關於 2016 president debate ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

曹長青：彈劾川普案眾院今通過 但參院沒可能 美國左右更對立

美國眾議院今天通過兩項對川普總統的彈劾案。
但表決結果顯示，這完全是黨派（站隊）投票：
民主黨在435席眾議院佔多數（233席），共和黨197席；獨立派1席；空缺4席。
第一項「濫權」，230票贊成對197票反對（2名民主黨議員反對這項彈劾）；
第二項「妨礙國會」，229贊成對198張反對（3名民主黨議員反戈，反對彈劾）。共和黨眾議員沒有一個跳票，全部都投票反對彈劾總統。
民主黨議員認為川普濫權證據顯然，國會議員必須遵守憲法保護國家不受侵犯。眾議院多數黨領袖南茜佩洛西說：「這讓我們別無選擇」，只能對他進行彈劾。
共和黨議員都支持川普、反對彈劾。他們認為彈劾案是民主黨的政治鬥爭。川普最堅定支持者、共和黨眾議員科林斯說，從川普3年前當選以來，民主黨人就一直想彈劾他。科林斯認為，決定川普總統的命運應是「選民」，而不是眾議院。
另一堅定支持川普總統的佐治亞州眾議員Loudermilk說，彈劾川普就像《聖經》中羅馬總督彼拉多判處耶穌釘十字架一樣是虛假審判（沒有證據只是陷害）。（他的講話視頻請見：https://youtu.be/spfBk9j-8SE ）
在眾議院表決彈劾總統之際，川普到密西根州演講，現場萬眾歡呼「再四年」，反映共和黨選民力挺他連任！
據CNN今天（彈劾案通過前）引述的最新民調：最近川普總統的支持度從39%升到45%；贊成彈劾從52%降到46%。CNN引述全美六個知名民調的最新平均數：贊成彈劾46%，不贊成49%。
CNN的結論：彈劾表決不管什麼結果，政治上都有利於川普。即左派越政治極端化，川普越會獲得支持。
川普總統在密西根州演講時說，彈劾他是因民主黨不接受2016選舉結果，搞彈劾是民主黨邁向政治自殺、是他們永久恥辱印記。全部共和黨197名眾議員全都投了反對彈劾票，說明全黨力挺川普。紐約時報今天也刊文說：整個共和黨站在川普背後！
按美國憲法，彈劾總統必須最後由參議院定奪。像之前對民主黨籍總統柯林頓的彈劾，在眾院通過後，在參院就沒通過，柯林頓完成了總統任期。
目前美國參議院100名議員，共和黨53席，民主黨47席。民主黨連簡單多數都不到，從數字和常識角度，彈劾共和黨籍總統的可能性不存在。
另外，參院的規則與眾院不同，不是按簡單多數，而是必須2/3參議員（67席）給總統定罪，才能通過。屆時要由最高法院首席大法官親臨主持辯論及表決。
參議院多數黨領袖（共和黨）麥康奈（Mitch McConnell，其妻趙小蘭的父母來自台灣）稱民主黨彈劾川普總統是「虛假調查」（fishing expedition）。麥康奈的表態預示，彈劾案在共和黨佔多數的參議院根本沒有通過的可能，而且會很快就結案落幕。
https://youtu.be/spfBk9j-8SE

蕭叔叔短評被譽為「人生有呢種朋友不枉此生」的黃仁龍那十頁紙求情信

全文：

http://m.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20170220/s00001/1487583133001

（報章轉載錯漏不少，敬請留意）

I have known Mr Donald Tsang since 2005. As Secretary for Justice (SJ), I worked closely with Donald as Chief Executive (CE) between October 2005 and June 2012. In addition to official dealings, I consider Donald to be a good friend and someone I admire for his dedication to public service.

Donald's over 40 years of service and contribution to Hong Kong is a matter of public record. Others will speak to his key role in helping Hong Kong weather through stormy financial crises. Here I would refer to his significant contributions to the public based on my own personal experience particularly in the area of the rule of law in Hong Kong.

During my 7-year tenure as SJ, I had on numerous occasions tendered legal advice to Donald as CE. He would sometimes debate with me and test the basis of the advice; but he has never acted against such legal advice. This in itself is a remarkable attribute as the head of the HKSAR.

Donald always said to me the Governors he previously worked with, however headstrong, would always abide by the legal advice of the Attorney General, and it is important that the CE of the HKSAR should stay that way.

Congo Case

One of the most important tasks, if not the most important task, of the CE of HKSAR is to faithfully and effectively implement the principle of “one country, two systems.” The power of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) to interpret the Basic Law and its exercise have always been considered a major challenge to the post-1997 constitutional order.

During my tenure as SJ, the NPCSC interpreted the Basic Law once in 2011. That was upon the reference by the Court of Final Appeal (CFA) on the question of state immunity. The issue in the case is whether the People’s Republic of China’s doctrine of absolute immunity (under which no foreign state can be sued in the court at all) should be followed in Hong Kong. Prior to 1997, Hong Kong’s common law provided for restrictive immunity, where foreign states could be sued if the dispute arouse out of commercial transactions.

The HKSAR Government lost in the Court of First Instance and in the Court of Appeal. If the Government were to lose again in the CFA, it could stir up serious political and economic repercussions for China particularly vis-à-vis her African friends. National interest of China was at stake. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was understandably very concerned.

Immense political pressure mounted. There were suggestions that Beijing should not take any risk but should consider taking more definitive measures such as an interpretation of the Basic Law before the appeal was heard. If that were to happen, on the eve of the appeal hearing, the damage to judicial independence would not be less than an overriding post-judgment interpretation.

I cannot go into further details for confidentiality reasons. However, I can testify that Donald has been solid and staunch in endorsing my stance against any extra-judicial measure in view of its adverse impact on the rule of law.

Owing in no small part to Donald’s endorsement and resolve, the Central People’s Government (CPG) was content to trust the HKSAR Government and the CFA, and to leave the appeal to be heard by the highest court, despite grave risk and many conflicting views given by others. At the end, the Government won in the CFA by a majority of 3 to 2. The Court further referred the relevant Basic Law provisions to Beijing for interpretation, as required under Article 158 of the Basic Law, before pronouncing the final judgment. A huge constitutional crisis was warded off. The rule of law had prevailed.

Over this difficult episode, I know Donald had been under tremendous pressure. I remember often times he suffered from acute acid reflux before and after major discussions. Yet he stood firm throughout.

As CE, Donald had faithfully discharged the indispensable trust reposed by both the CPG and by Hong Kong. He had the courage to stand by what he believes to be right and the ability to address mutual concerns and to strengthen mutual understanding. He had performed well the crucial bridging role in the two-way process under “one country, two systems” at critical times.

Constitutional Reform

There was another important event in which Donald’s principled stance had been vital in achieving a favourable result for Hong Kong: constitutional reform.

Although no change could be made of the imminent 2017 CE election method due to the set-backs in 2016, during Donald’s tenure as CE, he has been made significant contributions toward moving Hong Kong closer to universal suffrage.

The first landmark was achieved, with tremendous efforts by the core team under Donald’s lead, when the NPCSC delivered its decision in December 2007 setting out “the timetable” and “road map” for universal suffrage in terms of the elections of CE and Legco.

Second, in 2010, the Government managed to secure Legco’s support to pass the 2012 constitutional reform package. Here, Donald had played a pivotal role, one perhaps not many are aware of.

Whether the 2012 reform package could be passed in 2010 was crucial to ensure “gradual and orderly progress” and that the next round (i.e. the intended goals of universal suffrage in electing CE in 2017) could be achieved.

In June 2010, the original government proposal was losing support and hope was vanishing for it to be passed at Legco. Time was running out. Whether to modify the package by incorporating a proposal of the Democratic Party (i.e. the additional 5 District Council Functional Constituency seats to be elected by over 3 million electorate, “the new DCFC election method”) appeared to be the lynchpin.

Without going into details again for confidentiality reasons, I can again testify that the make-or-break moment was when Donald made the timely and difficult decision to revise the package by incorporating the new DCFC election method. It was an agonizing decision for him as he had to override certain internal opposition and to risk personal credibility and trust before the CPG. As an insider, I know that decision was not a political manoeuvre but a selfless act for the sake of the long-term wellbeing of Hong Kong and the smooth transition toward universal suffrage.

Son of Hong Kong

Donald is truly a “son of Hong Kong” (香港仔). His genuine concern for the public good is most vividly demonstrated when Hong Kong was caught in crises of one kind of another.

Hong Kong went through attacks of avian flu and swine flu. Donald tirelessly headed the cross-bureau task forces and chaired long and intensive meetings. I remember more than once Donald being caught in very heated debates with colleagues, pushing them to the limit to mobilize maximum resources and manpower, in order to give the public maximum protection against these outbreaks. He would grill colleagues over thorny issues such as requisitioning hotels as places of quarantine, not satisfied with the usual civil service response of reluctance, as lives of many were at stake.

Over the Manila hostage incident in August 2010, Donald vigorously pressed the President of the Philippines for full investigation, joining the victims’ families and the rest of Hong Kong to cry for justice, although his action raised eyebrows as foreign affairs strictly is a matter of the CPG under Article 13 of the Basic Law.

Donald had a strong concern for young people. During my tenure, exceptionally I was commissioned to chair a Steering Committee to combat drug abuse by youth. The public might not realize this initiative in fact came from Donald. He was deeply concerned and alarmed by the reports reflecting the seriousness of the problem. He was determined to tackle the problem pro-actively. The Steering Committee was unprecedented, involving concerted and strategic efforts of different departments and bureaus. More importantly, Donald was instrumental in putting in substantial and sustainable resources to strengthen the efforts. The figures of reported drug abusers, particularly among young abusers, have seen significant decline in the past few years.

Other contributions on the rule of law

There was no shortage of controversial cases involving judicial reviews and fundamental human rights. Amidst other voices and political pressure, Donald had fully taken on board the legal position that the Government has a positive duty to protect such rights, including taking reasonable and appropriate measures to enable lawful demonstrations to take place peacefully.

Further, Donald also readily took on my advice regarding procedural fairness in handling Government businesses with quasi-judicial element such as administrative appeals.

Donald truly believes in judicial independence. He assured me repeatedly the independent and internationally renowned Judiciary in the HKSAR is our pride and the cornerstone of our success. His personal commitment to this cause is manifested in his positive response in acceding to many recommendations of the Mason Report endorsed by the Standing Committee on Judicial Salaries and Conditions of Service.

Furthermore, his conviction on the importance of the law as Hong Kong’s assets was amply manifested in his exceptional support in the development of Hong Kong’s capacity as an international arbitration centre. Donald was very understanding on the need of expansion on this front and had put in personal efforts to make it happen. He was instrumental in enabling resources are in place to secure additional space for the Hong Kong International Arbitration Centre, and to procure the arbitration arm of the International Chamber of Commerce and the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission to set up regional offices in Hong Kong.

A fair man who has given much to the public

Before joining the Government, I was an Election Committee member of the Legal Subsector elected on the same ticket as Ms Audrey Eu, Mr Alan Leong and other vocal barristers. In that capacity, in 2005, I first met Donald in an election forum where I questioned him harshly and criticised the Government’s earlier attitude over certain rule of law issues. Instead of bearing any grudge, in the late summer of 2005, Donald invited me to take up the post as SJ, assuring me that he would give me full support in upholding the rule of law in Hong Kong. That quality of fairness in Donald and that personal assurance to me have never slackened in the following 7 years in which I served in his cabinet.

As CE of the HKSAR, Donald had truly poured himself out. I strongly believe his significant contributions to Hong Kong in the past over 4 decades should be properly recognized.

Dated the 20th day of Februray 2017.

Wong Yan Lung SC

- See more at: http://m.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20170220/s00001/1487583133001#sthash.0nwGN3QA.dpuf

考生服務專區
2016年時事英文單字
地震篇
1. earthquake (quake) 地震
2. seismic zone地震帶
3. building collapse大樓坍塌
4. vibration 震動
5. epicenter 震央
6. seismic waves 震波
7. crust 地殻
8. expansion and contraction 膨脹與收縮
9. landslide 山崩
10. earthquake intensity/magnitude地震強度
an 8.0 magnitude earthquake
11. the Richter scale 芮氏地震分等標準
12. tsunami 海嘯
13. seismograph 地震計
14. seismologist 地震學家
15. predictions of earthquake 地震預測
16. aftershock 餘震
17. fault 斷層
18. natural disaster 天災
19. survival 倖存者
20. death toll 死亡人數
21. missing 失蹤人數
22. victim 受害者
23. casualties 傷亡人數
24. rescue workers 救難隊員
25. devastating earthquake毀滅性的地震
26. major/massive/powerful/severe earthquake 大地震

選舉篇
1. quadrennial 四年一次的
2. the Democratic Party 民主黨
3. the Republican Party 共和黨
4. Democratic Progressive Party 民進黨
5. Kuomintang 國民黨
6. incumbent President 現任總統
7. running mate 競選夥伴
8. nominee 被提名者
9. demagogue 政客
10. election promise 政見
11. canvass votes 拉票
12. election/voter fraud 選舉舞弊
13. buy votes 買票
14. presidential debate 總統大選辯論
15. inauguration ceremony 就職典禮
16. electoral district/precinct 選區
17. precinct 選區
18. constituent 選民
19. swing/floating voter 中間選民
20. election board/commission 選委會
21. the polls 投票站
22. polling place 投票站
23. voting booth/polling booth 投票亭
24. ballot box 投票箱
25. ballot 選票
26. vote / cast one’s vote/ballot / go to the polls 去投票
27. count/tally the votes/ballots 計票
28. recount the votes/ballots 重新計票
29. demand a recount 要求重新計票
30. spoiled/invalid/null/void vote/ballot 廢票
31. allegation (n.) 指控

Because there rarely is anything simple about Allen Iverson, it took conversations -- maybe even debate -- then an important decision. Next, it will require two votes. Both should go his way. But, again, Allen Iverson? Anything but simple.
He is now eligible to be nominated for the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame. To say Iverson, should he be elected as expected, will be the headliner for the Class of 2016 is obvious. With his popularity among fans and the anticipation of an epic acceptance speech at the induction ceremony, AI would be the headliner most any year. (In his acceptance speech Friday night, 2015 inductee Dikembe Mutombo acknowledged Iverson's likely spot in the Hall, thanking former 76ers coach Larry Brown for "allowing me to play with Allen Iverson, who will stand here soon in Springfield.")

The calendar distinction is necessary, though, because the finish to his career was as unique as Iverson himself. Had 2009-10 with the 76ers been his final season, the path to enshrinement would have been straight and level. Wait the mandatory five seasons, be nominated in 2015 and be part of the voting cycle that culminates in ascending the steps of Symphony Hall in the summer of '16.
Iverson's decision to play in Turkey in 2010-11 was the complication. That could have pushed induction back until 2017 -- the same year that Shaquille O'Neal is eligible to enter the Hall -- or even longer if Iverson had fulfilled both seasons of the deal with Istanbul-based Besiktas. When Iverson's European career lasted all of 10 games, officials were handed a judgment call.
After years of no decision, it was finally decided that 10 games -- especially 10 games on a different continent -- were nothing more than a brief moonlighting opportunity for a candidate whose nomination would go through the North American committee. Iverson can be nominated in 2015, not 2016, and could be a first-ballot Hall of Famer in 2016, not 2017.
It worked out well for Iverson, by many accounts in need of good news in his life, and for the basketball museum in western Massachusetts. AI, assuming he is nominated, will be the only new big name with a strong NBA connection in the election cycle. He would be the star power to draw national attention and sell tickets next summer while Tim Hardaway, Kevin Johnson, Chris Webber and others hope the lack of obvious candidates from the North American committee creates a fresh opportunity for enshrinement. (It worked this year, with Mutombo the lone newcomer elected as Jo Jo White was inducted after retiring in 1981 and Spencer Haywood in 1983.)
"It's not a marketing decision," Hall president John Doleva said. "It is a playing decision. It's a decision by the voting committee. It definitely is not a marketing decision."
It's also not the only decision. The same panel must next decide on the timeline for Rasheed Wallace, whose situation is even more complicated that Iverson's. Wallace retired after 2009-10, which ordinarily would make him eligible for nomination in 2015 and induction in 2016, and stayed retired for two full seasons. Then he came back with the Knicks in 2012-13 -- for 21 games.
Iverson played 10 games, Wallace a quarter of a season. Iverson was in Europe, Wallace the NBA.
"That is a little grayer, for sure, because of the NBA aspect of it, frankly trying to make a comeback," Doleva said. "That is something the group will have to take a look at. ... There's a discretion about such things as just these issues. What's the impact of it? What kind of commitment should a person be held to if they've done something overseas for a short period of time and not made a season of it. Rasheed Wallace is an interesting question that we will be addressing."

2016年度港大學生會評議會周年辯論於2016年10月11日假中山廣場舉行，本年度辯題為「香港大學應該為香港而立」。

港大學生會評議會邀請港大中央管理小組列席是次周年辯論，港大副校長（教與學）何立仁教授應邀列席會議。最後評議會一致通過「香港大學應該為香港而立」。

Annual debate of the Hong Kong University Students' Union Council, session 2016 held at Sun Yat-sen Place on October 11, 2016. The topic of this year's debate is "The University of Hong Kong shall be a university for Hong Kong".

HKUSU Council invited the senior management team of HKU to attend this annual debate. Professor Ian Holiday, Vice-President (Teaching and learning), accepted the invitation to attend the meeting. The Union Council passed the motion of "The University of Hong Kong shall be a university of Hong Kong" with no objections.

Campus TV, HKUSU Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/hkucampustv

Donald Trump won't give up 'cause he got stamina.
And he wants to be the greatest alive.
唔知呢度有無人鍾意聽Sia嘅歌呢？
Any fans of Sia here?

Listen to the original music video here:
Sia - The Greatest @SiaVEVO
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKSRyLdjsPA

Lyrics:
[Verse 1: Sia]
Uh-oh, runnin' out of breath, but I
Oh, I, I got stamina
Uh-oh, running now, I close my eyes
Well, oh, I got stamina
And uh-oh, I see another mountain to climb
But I, I, I got stamina
Uh-oh, I need another lover, be mine
Cause I, I, I got stamina

[Pre-Chorus: Sia]
Don't give up, I won't give up
Don't give up, no no no
Don't give up, I won't give up
Don't give up, no no no
[Chorus: Sia]
I'm free to be the greatest, I'm alive
I'm free to be the greatest here tonight, the greatest
The greatest, the greatest alive
The greatest, the greatest alive

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Sia Hypes Hillary Clinton's 'Stamina' With 'Greatest' Video
Singer sets song's "I've got stamina" refrain to heated presidential debate clips

Sia endorsed Hillary Clinton, slammed Donald Trump and hyped her recent single "The Greatest" – all with one 33-second video posted Tuesday on Twitter. The clip opens with footage from Monday's presidential debate, with Donald Trump saying about opponent Hillary Clinton, "She doesn't have the looks. She doesn't have the stamina." This triggers the bouncy "I've got stamina" refrain from the Sia track, along with a slideshow of images proving Clinton's stamina throughout her career.

"As soon as he travels to 112 countries and negotiates a peace deal [and] a cease fire, he can talk to me about stamina," Clinton fires back in another debate clip. The video ends with the Democratic nominee's popular hashtag #I'mWithHer, urging fans to visit Clinton's website.

TrumpSings:
Donald Trump Sings Cake By The Ocean
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ezxxmuWVKsE
Donald Trump SINGS Treat You Better
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FGfSuU8Pxpg