關於 famous massacre ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

With just days ahead of the 32nd mark of the June 4th 1989 massacre, a Chinese media published a conversation between a U.S. economist and former premier of China, Zhao Ziyang, who was purged for his association with the Tiananmen Square protests.

Read more: https://bit.ly/3vxZWLy

「六四」事件32周年前夕，內地媒體網易有「耐人尋味」的異常舉動，於週四（27日）重刊1988年9月19日的一篇中共前總書記趙紫陽與名的美國諾貝爾經濟學獎得主佛利民（Milton Friedman）對話紀錄。
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【追魂8月13日開庭受審 可能面對更長年期囚禁】

藝術家 #劉進興（又名「追魂」）將於2020年8月13日於南京市宣武區法院開庭受審，被控以「尋釁滋事罪」。他於2019年5月28日被帶走，被拘禁近15個月才被安排庭審。他曾聲援2014年的「雨傘運動」被拘禁9個月。這次可能面對更長年期囚禁 。

Artist #LiuJinxing (better known as #ZhuiHun) will be tried at Xuanwu District Court in Nanjing on 13 August 2020. Liu is accused of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble”. He was taken away on 28 May 2019 and has been detained for nearly 15 months before being taken before a judge. In 2014, he supported the “Umbrella Movement” and was detained for nine months. This time, he’s likely facing several years of imprisonment.

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姓名：劉進興（又名追魂）

出生年份：1972年8月4日
職業：藝術家
被拘捕日期：2019年5月29日（刑事拘留）
被拘捕地點：公安在南京把劉和另外五名維權人士帶走。
被拘捕罪名：尋釁滋事罪
正式被捕日期：2019年7月5日
被起訴日期：2020年1月14日
法律代表：梁小軍律師
審訊日期：
判決結果：
刑期：
關押地點：江蘇省南京市第三看守所

案件簡介：
公安於2019年5月28日在江蘇南京市帶走原籍湖北的劉進興及另外五名藝術家，並於翌日刑事拘留劉進興。公安搜查劉在北京的家，充公他的藝術作品和一些印刷品。另五名藝術家其後獲釋取保候審。

他的朋友相信劉進興被拘留的原因，是與政府在「六四」30周年前打壓維權人士有關。在維權人士和藝術家圈子，大家都知道劉進興售賣作品以支援其他被拘留維權人士。

劉進興2019年9月23日才首次獲准會見律師，之前要求會見律師全被當局拒絕，公安以他的案件涉及危害國家安全為由拒絕會見。劉進興律師在會見劉時才獲知劉已被正式逮捕，罪名是「尋釁滋事」。

2020年1月14日，南京市玄武區檢察院正式起訴劉進興，並列出他的所謂罪名為製作視頻和藝術作品支持被拘留的政治犯。他的庭審定於2020年8月13日於玄武區法院舉行。

劉進興曾因他的作品和維權活動被拘禁，包括2014年10月因以行為藝術支持香港「雨傘運動」被拘留，直至2015年7月才被除去所有罪名獲釋。劉進興曾住在著名的北京通州區宋莊藝術區。

參考更多資料：https://wqw2010.blogspot.com/2020/04/blog-post_28.html

資料更新：2020年8月6日

Name: Liu Jinxing, aka Zhui Hun (劉進興，又名追魂)

Date of birth: 4 August 1972
Occupation: Artist
Date of detention: 29 May 2019 (criminal detention)
Location: Police took him away with five other activists in Nanjing
Ground of detention: Picking quarrels and provoking trouble
Date of formal arrest: 5 July 2019
Date of Indictment: 14 January 2020
Legal representation: Beijing lawyer Liang Xiaojun
Date of trial:
Verdict:
Sentence:
Location of detention/imprisonment: Nanjing No. 3 Detention Centre, Jiangsu Province

Description:
Police took away Liu, a Hubei province born artist, on 28 May 2019, along with five other artists in Nanjing, Jiangsu, and criminally detained him the next day. Police officers searched Liu’s home in Beijing, confiscating his artworks and some printed materials. The other five artists were subsequently released on bail.

His friends believed that Liu Jinxing’s detention was related to the government’s crackdown on activists before the commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the Tiananmen Massacre. Among the activists and artists circle, he was famous for selling his artworks to help support other detained political activists.

Liu Jinxing was only allowed his first lawyer’s visit on 23 September 2019. His previous requests were denied as the police claimed that his case involved “endangering state security”. The lawyer learned during the visit that Liu had been formally arrested on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble”.

On 14 January 2020, Xuanwu District Procuratorate in Nanjing indicted Liu and listed his “crimes” as producing videos and artworks to support detained political prisoners. His trial is scheduled to take place at Xuanwu District Court on 13 August 2020.

Liu had been detained for several times for his art and activism, including being detained in October 2014 for his performance art to support the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. He was released in July 2015 after being clear of criminal charges. Liu has lived in the Songzhuang art colony in Songzhuang Town of Tongzhou District in Beijing, the most famous and largest artist community in the municipality.

For more information: https://www.nchrd.org/2020/06/liu-jinxing/

Updated on: 6 August 2020

New York Times 第三擊

【China’s Hong Kong Policy Is Perverse. It Always Has Been.】

By Lewis Lau Yiu-man

HONG KONG — Beijing says it wants to safeguard “one country, two systems,” the principle that supposedly guarantees Hong Kong’s semiautonomy from the mainland. In reality it is weaponizing the policy to crush the city’s freedoms.

On Thursday, the Chinese government announced a plan to pass national security laws for Hong Kong. It has long been after something like this, though previously it expected the local authorities to do the job. Not this time. This law would be ratified in Beijing — at worst, as soon as next week.

This sinister move caps several weeks of mounting acts of repression in Hong Kong, in almost all spheres of public life — politics, law, education, the media.

Last week, students sitting for a university-entrance history exam were asked if they agreed with this statement: “Japan did more good than harm to China in the period of 1900-45.” The Hong Kong Education Bureau promptly complained that the question was “leading” and asked that it be stricken from the exam, even though some students had already answered it.

The Education Bureau also claimed that the question “seriously hurt the feelings and dignity of the Chinese people who suffered great pain during the Japanese invasion of China.” For many traditional Chinese patriots there is simply no way the Japanese could have brought any benefit whatsoever to China; to merely ask that question is to somehow prettify the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937-45.

Never mind that the exam referred to the years between 1900 and 1945, rather than solely to the war. And never mind that there is ample historical evidence showing that Japan’s vast influence on China during that period also served China well in some ways. Sun Yat-sen, the most famous early leader of post-imperial modern China; major actors in China’s socialist movement; even Lu Xun, arguably the greatest writer in modern Chinese literature, were all inspired or shaped to a certain extent by contact with Japan.

More than anything, questions such as this one have been a fixture of history exams in Hong Kong. I studied history at university, and I remember this exam question from 2006: “Some people think Emperor Wen of Sui (541-604) did more harm than good. Do you agree with that?”

Then this week pro-Beijing lawmakers hijacked the election for chairperson of a committee of Hong Kong’s legislative council, calling in security guards to control the scene, and placed at the committee’s head a pro-establishment legislator accused of abuse of power.

“Headliner,” a satirical show of the public broadcaster RTHK, was canceled after Hong Kong authorities complained that it denigrated the Hong Kong police.

And the government, even as it is relaxing various social-distancing rules to fend off Covid-19, just extended restrictions on group gatherings to June 4 — the anniversary of the 1989 massacre at Tiananmen Square. The commemorative protest vigil that has been held that day every year may not take place for the first time in three decades. (It occurred even during the SARS outbreak of 2002-03.)

Next week, Hong Kongers face another blatant effort by Beijing to instill in them patriotism for China and loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party: The local Legislature will consider a bill that would criminalize the misuse of China’s national anthem or insults toward it. And, of course, there is the national security legislation.

The Chinese Communist Party is ambitious, and it is impatient. It doesn’t just want to control Hong Kong; it wants to remodel the minds and souls of the Hong Kong people.

Chinese state media said of the history exam controversy that it was an occasion for Hong Kong to “surgically detoxify” its education system so as to make it “compatible” with “one country, two systems.” What they really were calling for is a radical change of the status quo.

“One country, two systems” is designed, in theory, to safeguard the fundamental rights of Hong Kong’s people. In fact, our rights are gradually being taken away in the name of safeguarding “one country, two systems” — Beijing’s version of it. The policy isn’t dead so much as it is perverse. Which it always has been.

“One country, two systems” was a ploy from the outset, a tactic for China to buy time, the better to absorb Hong Kong sooner or later. Preferably sooner, it seems.

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