【だからキミは負けるんだ】
今日は、仕事のノウハウみたいなではなくて、僕が今、一番熱を入れている映画『えんとつ町のプペル』のお話をしたいと思います。
僕は、もともと漫才師としてスタートして、漫才を書いていて、自分を育ててくれた師匠と呼べる人が「後藤ひろひと」という劇作家ですから、舞台の脚本も書いていて……
そこから絵本作家に転職して、絵を描いて、ストーリーを描いて、で、絵本の曲も作るんですね。
あの「♪ハロハロハロハロウィン」って曲を作った人です。
https://youtu.be/Rihe2JOyLQA
劇場の楽屋に小道具のギターがあるもんですから、空き時間に触っているうちに、ギターが弾けるようになりました。
ちなみに、次々回作の絵本『夢幻鉄道』のテーマソングもいいのが作れたので、YouTubeで検索してみてください。
https://youtu.be/PkoCXybjrrw
そんな感じで仕事をしているので、映画『えんとつ町のプペル』における僕の役割は、「原作・脚本・製作総指揮・宣伝・作詞作曲」という忙しいことになっています。
このことを受けて、時々、「ゴーストライターがいるんでしょ!」と時々言われるんです(笑)
これに関しては、「西野がこんなに素晴らしいものを作れるハズがない」という意味なので、褒め言葉でしかないのですが、残念ながら、僕、ゴーストライターなんていないんです。
分業している場合は、「分業しています」と公表しています。
その方がいいんですよ。
いろんなクリエイターさんに「西野の仕事に参加したい」と思ってもらった方が得なので、絶対に、その人の名前を出す。
出さない場合もありますが、それは出すべきではない場合です。
たとえば、三日前にYouTubeチャンネルにアップした『えんとつ町のプペル』の動画の備考欄には、歌詞の他に、「歌、作詞作曲、編曲、振付」のスタッフの名前しか入っていません。
照明さんや美術さんや衣装さんの名前は入っていないんですね。
あくまで、あそこは音楽に関する情報を載せる場所として位置付けているので。
関わったスタッフの名前を全員書いてしまったら、80人ぐらいになっちゃう。
ああいった、いわば「CM」の場合は、基本、スタッフの名前は載せません。
テレビCMの最後に「ディレクター=○○」と出ないのと同じです。
ただ、ストーリーを書いたり、音楽を作ったりする場合、僕には「ゴーストライター」と呼ばれる人はいません。
珍しいパターンだと思いますが、こと「ビジネス書」においても、僕はライターを雇っていません。
自分で書いた方が圧倒的に早くて、自分の仕事が減るからです。
パフォーマンスでも何でもなくて、5万部売れるビジネス書でよければ、5〜6時間で書けます。
すでに自分の中にある体験と考察を文字起こしするだけなので。
「キー!」となるかもしれませんが、「ゴーストライターだろ!」と言っちゃたり、思っちゃったりする人が、コンパしたり、ナンパしたり、家族旅行に行ったり、ワイドショーを観てタレントの不倫にとやかく言ったり、何も考えずにボケーっと受験勉強している間、僕は、一つでも踏み誤ると死んでしまう戦場でずっと戦ってきました。
かれこれ20年ほど、平均労働時間は19時間です。
でもって、この20年というのは、「勝ちパターンを捨て続けた20年」で、コツを掴んだ職は、どんどん捨てて、新しい領域に挑戦し続けた20年です。
なもんで、能力と知識量に圧倒的な差が生まれるのは当たり前の話で、僕は「努力は報われる」ということを言っていきたいので、ここは隠したくありません。
反則技を使っているわけでも何でもなくて、「キミの1000倍努力してるから、キミの1000倍の結果を出しているんだよ」というだけの話だと思っています。
そして、この現実を受け入れず、「いやいや、ドーピング的な…何か特別な力が働いているに違いない」という思ってしまっているうちは、一生始まらないまま人生が終わっちゃうので、それが嫌なら受け入れてください。
「僕、こんな努力をしてますよ」と自分から言う奴、なかなかいないと思うのですが、いい機会なので言っておきます。
今日も映画『えんとつ町のプペル』のアフレコがあるわけですが、そこでは、声優さんから質問があったり、「ここは、こんな感じでお願いします」と指示を出さなきゃいけない。
なので、家で「指示を出す練習」をしていくんです。
自分も、実際にやれるようにしておく。
たとえば…
「えんとつ町は煙突だらけ。
そこかしこから煙が上がり、頭の上はモックモク、黒い煙でモックモク。
朝から晩までモックモク。
えんとつ町に住む人は黒い煙に閉じ込められて、青い空を知りやしない。輝く星を知りやしない。
見上げることを捨てた街で、一人の男が上を見た。
町を覆った黒い煙に、男が想いを馳せたのは、酒場で出会ったお喋りモグラが聞かせてくれた夢物語。
煙の向こうの世界の話。光り輝く世界の話。
ありやしないと思ったが、全くないとも言い切れない。
なぜなら誰も行っていない。答えは誰も持っていない。
それから男は日ごと夜ごと、煙の向こうの世界の話を、何度も何度も叫んだが、バカだバカだと囃されて、ホラ吹きものだと切り捨てられた。
男が一体、何をした。
男が誰を傷つけた?
そこに理由はありゃしない。
見上げることを捨てた町では、『目立たぬように』の大合唱。
見上げることを捨てた町では、夢を語れば笑われて、行動すれば叩かれる。
黒い煙は町を飲み込み、一縷の光も許さない。
黒い煙は人を飲み込み、あらゆる勇気を認めない。
それでも男は声をあげ、震える膝をひた隠し、船に乗り込み海にでた。
暗くて怖い海にでた。
誰もいない海にでた」
これは主人公の少年の父親が、自作の紙芝居を披露するシーンのセリフなのですが、今、僕は何かを見ながら書いたわけではなくて、これぐらいは暗記してるんです。
指示を出す人間として、これぐらいは。
これって、「何回もやっているうちに覚えた」という類のものなので、才能とかセンスじゃないじゃないですか。
これがプロです。
もし良かったら、一度、僕の会社のインターン生にでもなって、僕の近くで、僕の仕事を見てみてください。
たぶん、絶望すると思います(笑)
先ほども申し上げましたが、「努力がモノを言う」というところを伝えていきたいので、今後も、この部分は包み隠さず、積極的に頑張ったアピールをしていきたいと思います。
そうそう。
映画公開は12月25日なのですが、12月25日の夜に、YouTubeの生配信をして、映画をご覧になられた方に向けて、「あそこのシーン、実は○○なんだよ」という話をしたいので、映画は初日に観に行ってください。
今のうちに、12月25日のスケジュールに印を入れておいてね。
それでは、映画『えんとつ町のプペル』のアフレコに行ってきます。
▼西野亮廣の最新のエンタメビジネスに関する記事(1記事=2000~3000文字)が毎朝読めるのはオンラインサロン(ほぼメルマガ)はコチラ↓
https://salon.jp/nishino
That's why you lose.
Today, it's not like work know-how, but I would like to talk about the movie ′′ a in the town ′′ that I'm in the middle of the day, and I'm going to have a good time.
I was originally a manzai teacher, writing a manzai, and a master who raised me is a playwright called ′′ goto hiroto...... so I also wrote the script of the stage......
I'm going to change my job to a picture book writer, draw a picture, draw a story, and make a picture book song too.
This is the one who made the song. Hallo Halloween ′′
https://youtu.be/Rihe2JOyLQA
There's a prop guitar in the theater dressing room, so I can play guitar while I'm touching the free time.
By the way, I was able to make a theme song for the picture book ′′ Phantom Railway ′′ which was made one after another, so please search for it on Youtube.
https://youtu.be/PkoCXybjrrw
I'm working like that, so my role in the movie ′′ a in the town ′′ is going to be busy called ′′ Original Script Production General command promotion lyrics,"
Sometimes it's said that sometimes," there's a ghost writer!" lol
As for this, it means ′′ Nishino can't make such a wonderful thing," so it's only a compliment, but unfortunately, I don't have a ghost writer.
If you are in the middle of labor, you are publishing ′′ division of labor,"
It's better to be.
It's better to have a lot of creators think ′′ I want to participate in nishino's work so I'll definitely name the person.
Sometimes you don't put it out, but it's if you shouldn't put it out.
For example, in the notes section of the video of ′′ a no-′′ that I uploaded to the youtube channel three days ago, besides the lyrics, there is only the name of the staff of ′′ songs, lyrics, arrangement, choreography ′′ I'm sorry.
There is no name of lighting, art, or costumes.
It's just that it's a place to put information on music.
If you write all the names of the staff involved, it will be about 80 people.
Oh well, so in case of ′′ cm I don't put the name of the basic, staff.
At the end of the tv commercial, ′′ it's the same as not going out with director.
It's just that if you write a story or make music, I don't have anyone called ′′ Ghost writer
I think it's a rare pattern, but even in the ′′ business book I don't hire a writer.
It's more overwhelming to write yourself, because my work is reduced.
If you don't have a performance or anything, you can write it in 5 TO 6 hours if you don't mind a business book that sells 5 million
I'm just going to make a character of my experience and thoughts already in my own.
It may be ′′ key!" but," it's a ghost writer, and people who think about it, are compound, flirting, family trip, and watch the shows. I've been fighting for a battlefield where I'm going to die when I'm talking about talent adultery, and I'm studying the exam without thinking about anything.
It's been about 20 years, average working time is 19 hours.
So, this 20 is," 20 years that I've been throwing away the winning pattern," and the job that grabbed the trick is more and more throwing away, and it's been 20 years since I've been trying to challenge the new area I'm sorry.
So, it's obvious that the overwhelming difference in the ability and knowledge is born, and I want to say that ′′ effort is rewarded so I don't want to hide it here.
I'm not using a foul trick, but I'm just saying that I'm trying twice as hard as you, so I'm going to have 1000 times the results of you," I'm sorry.
And I don't accept this reality," no no, it's doping... I think something special is working... my life is over without starting for a lifetime. So accept it if you don't like it.
I don't think there's a person who says ′′ I'm doing this kind of effort but I'm going to say it because it's a good opportunity.
There is also a recording of the movie ′′ a in the town ′′ today, but there is a question from the voice actor, and I have to give instructions that ′′ I'm going to have a good time here,"
So I'm going to do ′′ practice to instruct ′′ at home.
I will actually be able to do it.
For example...
′′ A town is full of chimney.
Smoke from there, moc mok on my head, black smoke and moc mok.
Moc. from morning to night.
People who live in a town are trapped in black smoke and don't know the blue sky. I don't know the shining stars.
In a city that abandoned looking up, one man looked up.
The Black smoke that covered the town, the man made his thoughts on the dream that the heyyy mole I met at the bar told me.
The story of the world across the smoke. The story of the shining world.
I thought it wouldn't be, but I can't say it at all.
Because no one has gone. No one has the answer.
Then the man shouted over and over again, day and night, the story of the world across the smoke, but he was told that he was stupid, and he was cut off as a hola.
What the hell did a man do?
Who did the man hurt?
There is no reason there.
In the town that abandoned looking up, a big choir of ′′ conspicuous,"
In a town that abandoned looking up, if you speak your dreams, you will be laughed, and if you act, you will be slapped.
Black smoke swallows the town and doesn't allow the light of all times.
Black smoke swallows people and doesn't acknowledge every courage.
And yet the man gave a voice, trembling his knees, and he got into the ship and went to the sea.
It was in a dark and scary sea.
I was in the sea with no one ′′
This is the line of the scene of the protagonist boy's father showing off his own kamishibai, but now I didn't write it while watching something, and I'm memorizing this much.
As a person who gives instructions, this is so much.
This is the kind of thing that ′′ I remembered while I've been doing it many times," so it's not talent or sense.
This is the professional.
If you'd like, once you'd like to be my company intern student, near me, take a look at my work.
I think I'm probably going to despair lol
I said it earlier, but I want to tell you that ′′ effort is saying things," and in the future, I would like to make an appeal that I have been actively working hard.
That's right.
The movie is on December 25th, but on the night of December 25th, I'm going to have a live broadcast on Youtube, and I'm going to have a good time with the movie," the scene over there, actually ○○ I want to talk about ′′ what is it so go see the movie on the first day.
While you're in the middle of the day, mark your schedule for December 25th.
Well, I'm going to go to the recording of the movie ′′ a in town ′′
▼ an article about the latest entertainment business of ryo nishino (1 articles = 2000 to 3000 characters) can be read every morning online salon (almost mail magazine) is here ↓
https://salon.jp/nishinoTranslated
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📌📍《5月35日》「庚子版」 眾籌活動
集結力量 網上演出 六四前夕 全球直播
"May 35th" Gengzi Edition - Crowd Funding
Join Forces for Global Live Online Performance on the night before June 4th.
🔇🔇「以現在的社會狀況,我們的政治氣候,我擔心這個戲未必有機會再上演﹗」導演陳曙曦說。
🔊🔊"With the forecast of the political climate now, I am very worried that this play will not be any chance to put on stage again" said Chan Chu-hei, the director.
🚨🕯️我們希望集結公民力量,
令全球所有人都可以在「六四」免費網上觀賞《5月35日》,
讓這個故事遍地開花,
讓更多人了解真相、追求公義。
🚨🕯️We target to join the force of citizen
to let us share this Online LIVE theatre production
“May 35th”globally, make this story worldwide,
and let the truth speak for itself, justice be sought after.
‼️➡️眾籌支持方法 Way of Crowdfunding:
1) 請即登入網上平台:https://goget.fund/2Wz5kO9
(暫不能用PayPal 戶口,請用"Visa/ Master" 捐款
Please DO NOT use PayPal Account, but click the icon "Visa / Master")
2) 支票捐款- 抬頭寫「六四舞台」,郵寄到
九龍旺角彌敦道618號好望角大廈8字樓(六四舞台)
By Cheque - Please make the cheque payable to "Stage 64", and mail to 8/F, Good Hope Building, 618 Nathan Road, KLN. (Stage 64)
************************************************
2019年六月,是「六四」的三十周年,六四舞台邀請了著名編劇莊梅岩創作《5月35日》。首演5場及加開的6場門票均全部售罄,一致好評,更獲本屆舞台劇獎六大提名,包括最佳劇本!經歷了大半年的社會運動,面對過暴政與暴力,「六四」對香港人多了另一重意義,在謊言與假新聞氾濫的社會,《5月35日》為悼念亦為警世!
🧐🧐為了蒐集資料,編劇莊梅岩曾到訪內地訪問當年「難屬」,亦因此被神秘人「探訪」和「關注」,令她質疑香港的創作自由可能已經岌岌可危。
🤐🤐眼下的暴政和警暴,「廿三條立法」如箭在弦,六四舞台在香港再有生存的空間嗎?
🤬🤬當網絡上充斥假新聞,官方又不斷篡改歷史事件,究竟「六四屠城」和「反送中運動」在不久的將來會變成什麼樣的故事呢?
我們不知道答案,但只要有機會,我們仍然要演下去﹗因此當社會運動仍在激烈抗爭之際,六四舞台就馬上籌組了《5月35日》(庚子版)。
📆根據中國歷法,2020年是庚子年;翻開中國歷史,庚子年往往是浩劫之年。香港經歷多個月的社會運動,「六四」對步入庚子年的香港人有何意義?六四舞台今年誠邀著名導演陳曙曦,連同全新班底,重新創作《5月35日》 的「庚子版」。
😷😷鑑於疫情持續,政府下令關閉全港劇院,令原訂5月在香港藝術中心的舞台演出被迫取消,劇團為堅守信念,破天荒決定把這個震撼人心的六四故事以網上直播形式,於2020年六四前夕向全球人士同步免費播放(粵語演出,附中英文字幕),並於6月4日全日24小時在網上分享。其錄像版本亦將會製作成電影影片,把演出搬上大銀幕,讓更多人了解真相、追求公義。🖐️🖐️🖐️🖐️🖐️
June 2019 marked the 30th anniversary of the “June Fourth Incident”. Local art group Stage 64 joined hands with renowned playwright Candace Chong Mui-ngam to create May 35th. The first 5 premieres as well as the 6 additional shows were all sold out with great acclaims, followed by 6 nominations in the subsequent Hong Kong Drama Awards, including Best Script!
The social movement in the past 6 months has made Hong Kongers no strangers to tyranny and brutality, and has transcended the meaning of "June Fourth" within us. Especially when we are living in a world full of lies and fake news, the play "May 35th" is for mourning and also a warning!
🧐🧐Candance Chong Mui-ngam has visited the Mainland for screenplay research. There she met up with some interviewees, whose family members were June Fourth Massacre victims. It turned out some mysterious figures paid her a "visit" in return with "unexpected concern". She couldn't help but worrying: Is the creative freedom deprived even in Hong Kong?
🤐🤐Witnessing the escalating brutality against protestors, the eagerness of enacting Basic Law Article 23, how much longer can a play like "May 35th" be staged in Hong Kong?
🤬🤬Worse still are the tremendous fake news on the Internet and the tampering with history. Can you imagine how "June Fourth Incident" and "Anti-Extradition Bill Protest" will be interpreted in the near future?
We have no clue, but! As long as we have this opportunity to express, we will go on. Even when the protest across the city was still intense, Stage 64 started to plan for another "May 35th" , the Gengzi Edition.
📆In the Lunar calender, 2020 is called the year of the Gengzi. Historically speaking, the year of the Gengzi were always catastrophic. After months of social unrest, Stage 64 invited prominent director Chan Chu-hei, to re-create "May 35th" into Gengzi Edition with new cast and crew.
😷😷Then comes the Coronavirus pandemic and the compulsory closure of theatres by the Government. That left us no choice but to cancel the "May 35th" performance, which was originally scheduled to stage at Arts Centre in May. But what if we adhere to our beliefs? Here comes the bold decision-\-\to live stream this astonishing show, globally and for free on the night before June 4th, 2020 (Presented in Cantonese, with Chinese and English subtitles). The live version will then be shared online throughout the day on June 4th. What’s more? The performance will be filmed separately and released in cinemas. Let the truth speak for itself, justice be sought after. 🖐️🖐️🖐️🖐️✋
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
💰籌款目標💰
35萬,但50萬能讓我們做得更多
Crowding Funding Goal
HK$350,000, but we can go further if we get HK$500,000.
🆘製作一齣舞台劇的基本成本相當高,一般要靠數千張數百元的門票收入才能維持收支平衡。在疫情下失去劇院,沒有門票收入,加上題材敏感,《5月35日》要獲得商業贊助機會是「零」。因此,我們只能靠公民發揮力量,解囊相助,協助我們把舞台劇作全球網上直播及製成影片,把故事帶到更遠。
🆘A stage production costs a lot. Generally we need to sell several thousands of tickets to break-even. Considering the circumstances of coronavirus pandemic, we can no longer perform in theatres and therefore no income from box office. In addition, due to the sensitivity of the theme / topic, in spite of our best endeavours, it is impossible for May 35th (Gengzi Edition) to receive any commercial sponsorship. What we need now is everyone exert their power and generosity, elevating May 35th (Gengzi Edition) to online streaming platform and even to cinemas, bringing the story to the rest of the world.
free play script 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的精選貼文
【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿,但國際線十分重要,不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻,願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機:
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ
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Song: MOUNTAIN TOPS
Artist: DABOYWAY ft. Vincent Berry II
Produced by: RADIO3000
Co produced and arranged by: NINO
Written by: DABOYWAY, Vincent Berry II, RADIO3000, NINO
Drums: Jay “Action” Jackson
Guitar: Narurthai Samattanawin
Scratches: DJ FATFINGAZ
MV directed by: Jirapat Rojvisuttinun
LYRICS:
DABOYWAY
Verse1:
In the cut like a samurai
Analyse worked my way up I strategised
self advertised verified a real one since day 1 (yeah) still here with all my day 1s
yo you smart if u can play dumb
A1 all the sauce
Wins and lost
Sins and all
Hope to see u tomorrow
But live this shit like I’m not gonna see u tomorrow
Outer space hit the gas like I’m headed for mars
and I’m foreign talking more than jus cars
(yeah)Higher than a mountaintops
While I’m climbing up these mountaintops
HOOK: (Vincent Berry)
Time is racing ya’ll
life has jus begun
look how far we made it
and there ain’t no giving up
no no no... repeat
we done made it to the mountaintops
we can see it all from here
DABOYWAY
Verse 2:
If you say you gonna do something i suggest you do it and thats 100
but how many times did u say u was gonna do something but you ain’t really do it. Minus that by that 100
my picture was big
Stuck to the script
Theres witnesses to what daboy did (yeah)
Tell em From the ground up
Every level
Devils trying to get me wild up
They be hatin im not entertaining
Im like what now every other city its a touchdown bustdown my crown on
we live amongst kings
Even if we ain’t living like kings
And I’m higher than the mountaintops
Climbing up the mountaintops
repeat hook
DABOYWAY
Verse 3:
Theres no doubting i push past the mountains
From nothing to something and now we got options (yeah)
Wasn’t supposed to be me but i was about it my G
R to I to the N then a D
Never has something ever made me this free to do me
Wipe the blood wipe the sweat wipe the tears
All the pain all the happiness its good to be here. (ugh)Moving forward with no regrets
And it feels like years that i haven’t slept (ugh)
And I’m higher than the mountains tops yeah
While I’m climbing up the mountain tops
repeat hook
bridge la la la la ....
verse 4
whatever whatever
กูก้าวต่อ
ลูกผู้ชายกูกล้าตอบเลือก this lifestyle อีก 100 รอบ
been a hundred 100 รอบ
ขอโทษที
always been talked that talk
แล้วก็ walk that walk
and been about that work
มึงได้ในสิ่งที่มึงให้
สิ่งที่มึงตั้งไจ
ดีที่สุดอย่าไปเพิ่งใคร
กุไม่สนอ่ะ จะรุ่นไหน
ผ่านรุ่นเล็ก ก่อนที่จะรุ่นใหญ่
แล้วกูพูดโดยไม่ disrespect ใคร
im all about ภาพใหญ่ No ภาพพจน์ No ภาพลักษณ์
just ภาพที่มึงเห็นว่ากู can’t stop
แล้วหวังว่าจะเป็นภาพที่กูวาด yeah
and I’m higher than the mountaintops
while I’m climbing up these mountaintops
bridge outro (Vincent Berry)
when your at another mountain
you’ll know its a long way down
save your energy cause you’ll gon need it
might hurt you but keep on running
somebody’s watching but please don’t stop
don’t look back you know we came to far
gotta back track if we get too lost
slow down please don’t throw your life away
Follow DABOYWAY:
o Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/daboywayoffi...
o Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/daboyway/
o Twitter: https://twitter.com/daboyway100
o JOOX: http://bit.ly/JooxDABOYWAY
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#DABOYWAY #MOUNTAINTOPS #DefJamThailand
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