關於 how are british english and american english different ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

[時事英文] 言論自由與冠狀病毒
　
在自由的社會中，每位公民都能依照個人的自由意志來行使權利。言論自由讓每位公民都能監督政府，要求政府改變不公不義的法規與政策。
　
In a free society, all citizens must be able to pursue their own paths, set their own goals, and think for themselves. The freedom of speech safeguards these rights as it enables us to challenge and change government regulations and laws we find oppressive and unjust.
　
歷史表明，在缺乏監督機制的情況下，政府的絕對權力將導致絕對的腐化。即便有些言論不合我們的心意，但禁止人們發聲不僅限制了言論自由，也剝奪了人們聽取他人意見的權利。禁止言論，並不能禁絕思想。唯有透過對話與協商，才能達成共識，而使社會進步。
　
History has shown that without the corrective mechanism of free speech, governments would consolidate their powers without regard for the rights and freedom of those whom they ought to serve. To deny people of free speech is a double wrong, because doing so would also deprive people of the right to listen, even though some speech would undoubtedly make us feel uncomfortable. Banning certain speech would not result in the elimination of ideas. It is through engagement and negotiation that we can reach consensus and progress as a society.
　
每個人都應享有批評政府的權利，而無需擔心遭受迫害。這也是當今公民得以贏得諸多權利的原因。言論自由是值得全體人類努力爭取的基本人權。
　
All people ought to have the right to criticize their government without fear of persecution, because it is how we have won the rights we have today. The freedom of speech is a fundamental human right and it’s worth fighting to protect.
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
《紐約時報》報導：
　
Trevor Noah, the host of “The Daily Show,” has won praise on the Chinese internet for his searing criticism of the Trump administration’s mishandling of the coronavirus pandemic. So has Jerry Kowal, an American who makes Chinese-language videos chronicling the dire situation in New York.
　
1. win praise 贏得讚賞
2. searing criticism 猛烈抨擊
3. mishandle (v.) 對⋯⋯處理不當
4. chronicle 記錄
5. a dire situation 可怕的情況
　
因為猛烈抨擊川普政府對新冠病毒疫情的應對不當，《每日秀》主持人特雷弗・諾亞（編按：中國網民給他取了一個暱稱叫崔娃）在中國的網路上備受讚賞。受到追捧的還有郭傑瑞，作為美國人，他製作的中文影片記錄了紐約的可怕情形。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
China’s response to the virus has its own sharp-eyed critics at home, and they have found a vastly different reception. One resident of the virus-struck city of Wuhan who writes under the name Fang Fang documented despair, misery and everyday life in an online diary, and has endured withering attacks on social media. Three citizen journalists who posted videos from Wuhan in the first weeks of the outbreak disappeared and are widely believed to be in government custody.
　
6. response to 回應
7. sharp-eyed 眼尖的；目光敏銳的
8. a vastly different reception 截然不同的對待
9. virus-struck 病毒侵襲
10. document (v.) 記錄
11. endure attacks 忍受攻擊
12. withering 令人難堪的；嚴厲的
13. be in government custody 被政府監禁（或拘留）
　
中國對疫情的應對在國內也引發了尖銳的批評，但這些批評者卻遭到了截然不同的對待。在病毒肆虐的武漢，一位筆名方方的居民用網路日記記錄了人們的絕望、痛苦和日常生活，結果她在社群媒體上遭到了猛烈的攻擊。在疫情暴發的前幾週，三位在武漢發布影片的公民記者失蹤了，人們普遍認為政府把他們抓走了。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The pandemic unfolded dramatically differently in China from the way it has in the rest of the world — at least, if one believes state-run Chinese media. Chinese news outlets used words like “purgatory” and “apocalypse” to describe the tragic hospital scenes in Italy and Spain. They have run photos of British and American medical workers wearing garbage bags as protective gear. A lot of the same miseries happened in China, but those reports were called “rumors” and censored.
　
14. pandemic 全球性流行病
15. unfold 展開；顯露
16. state-run 國營；國有
17. news outlet 新聞出處
18. purgatory 煉獄
19. apocalypse 末日（天啟）
　
在中國，這場大流行的展現方式與世界其他地方截然不同——至少，如果你相信中國官方媒體的話。中國的新聞媒體用「煉獄」和「末日」這樣的詞來描述義大利和西班牙醫院裡的悲慘情形。它們還登載了英國和美國的醫務人員把垃圾袋當防護服的照片。中國也有很多類似的悲劇，但那些報導被稱為「謠言」而遭到刪除。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The death of Li Wenliang, the whistle-blowing doctor in Wuhan, on Feb. 6 galvanized many Chinese people into demanding freedom of speech. Online sentiment became much more skeptical, and many young people openly challenged the party’s message.
　
20. a whistleblower 吹哨者
21. galvanize somebody into… 激起；使震驚
22. freedom of speech 言論自由
23. online sentiment 網路輿情
24. skeptical 存疑的；持懷疑態度的
25. openly challenge 公開挑戰（或質疑）
　
２月６日，武漢吹哨醫生李文亮的去世激起了許多中國人對言論自由的要求。網路上的懷疑情緒更多，許多年輕人公開質疑黨的訊息。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Then the United States and other countries bungled their own responses, and China’s propaganda machine saw an opportunity. Using the West’s transparency and free flow of information, state media outlets chronicled how badly others have managed the crisis. Their message: Those countries should copy China’s model. For good measure, the propaganda machine revved up its attacks on anybody who dared to question the government’s handling of the pandemic. For many people in China, the push is working. Wielding a mix of lies and partial truths, some young people are waging online attacks against individuals and countries that contradict their belief in China’s superior response.
　
26. bungle 弄糟；（笨手笨腳地）把……搞砸
27. propaganda machine 宣傳機器
28. see an opportunity 看見機會
29. manage a crisis
30. transparency 透明度
31. free flow of information 資訊的自由流動
32. chronicle (v.) 記錄
33. rev up sb/sth（使）活躍；（使）積極
34. dare to question 敢於質疑
　
後來，當美國和其它國家搞砸了各自的疫情應對時，中國的宣傳機器看到了機會。中國官媒利用西方媒體的透明度和資訊的自由流動，記錄了其它國家在應對危機時的糟糕表現。他們的訊息是：這些國家應該效仿中國模式。此外，宣傳機器還加大力度，攻擊那些敢質疑中國政府處理疫情方式的人。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Many of the same people praising Mr. Noah have been slinging arrows and rocks at Fang Fang, whose real name is Wang Fang, for telling the truth about China. Her diary was moderate and personal, and a place where many of us turned for comfort during the darkest hours of China’s epidemic. But after Harper Collins announced plans to publish it in English, tens of thousands of online users descended on her Weibo account, saying she was a traitor for supporting the enemy’s narrative.
　
35. sling arrows and rocks 口誅筆伐
36. tell the truth about 說了關於⋯⋯的實話
37. moderate 溫和的
38. turn to comfort 尋求慰藉
39. the darkest hours 最黑暗的時刻
40. descend on 突襲；向⋯⋯湧來
41. a traitor 叛徒；賣國賊
　
在這些讚美諾亞的人中，有很多卻對真名為汪芳的方方口誅筆伐，就因為她說了關於中國的實話。她的日記是溫和而私人的，在中國疫情蔓延最黑暗的時刻，我們中的許多人都在這裡尋求安慰。但在哈珀柯林斯出版社宣布計劃出版該日記的英文版後，成千上萬的網民攻擊了方方的微博帳號，說她在支持敵人的敘事，是個賣國賊。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The online backlash has been so severe, Fang Fang wrote on Weibo, that it reminds her of the Cultural Revolution, the decade of political violence and chaos that she saw as a child. The only comfort, she wrote, is that “this type of Cultural Revolution is only conducted in cyberspace.”
　
42. online backlash 網路上的強烈反對
43. the Cultural Revolution 文化大革命
44. remind sb of sth 使⋯⋯想起⋯⋯
45. political violence and chaos 政治暴力與混亂
　
方方在微博上寫道，這種網路叫罵是如此嚴重，令她回想起兒時目睹文化大革命的政治暴力和混亂的十年。唯一的寬慰是「這種文革只在網路空間進行著」，她寫道。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
May everyone in the world have the freedom to criticize their governments without fear. May we, no matter what our opinions are, speak out to safeguard human rights.
　
願世人都能享有言論自由，批評政府時無須擔驚受怕。即便意見相左，都能為捍衛人權而奮鬥。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
《紐約時報》完整報導：https://nyti.ms/35aI90l
　
圖片出處：https://bit.ly/2y6iN7X
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc
　
時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop
　
如何使用「時事英文」：https://bit.ly/3a9rr38
　
＃疫情英文

a report of work in Africa by my former mentor. https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=905699476163673&id=115346961865599

Teaching in foreign situations is exciting in several ways, but there are always challenges. The excitement includes visiting new places and being exposed to new cultures and languages. Of course going to Eastern Europe or the Middle East involves teaching through a translator which always provides some level of challenge. Over the past decade I have had translators that were utterly amazing (I had a couple who could hold three or four minutes of my lecturing in mind before tapping me and saying “it’s my turn now.” :-) On the other hand one time in Bulgaria I had a substitute translator for couple of hours who had to keep pulling out her cell phone and calling someone to help her translate phrases that I had given her. On the whole most translators have been pretty good.

The other situation, which I really prefer, is to be my own translator. That is to be in a situation where the students have a workable knowledge of English. That was the case last week in Ghana. But being my own translator does present its own challenges. Last week I had students from seven different countries in West Africa, Ghana, Nigeria, Cote d’lvoire, Niger, Burkina Faso, Liberia and Gambia. In all of these countries except one, English is the official language. But the native language of each of the students was their own tribal language. In Ghana, it was Kri. This presents a double challenge. The language we communicated in was a second language for them, and the English they speak is British English rather than American English. I had a consistent challenge in trying to understand what was being asked in questions or just being able to carry on a conversation. The students also had a similar difficulty, but the fact that I brought my projector and computer and used PowerPoint slides enabled them to more easily understand what I was talking about, even when I “got on a roll” and talked too fast.

The dedication of the students is amazing. Some of them must take a 4 day bus ride over unpaved rutted roads to get from their home country to Accra, Ghana. In fact a couple of the students were delayed and didn’t start the class until Wednesday morning. That brought the full contingent up to 35 students. The largest class I have ever had in my overseas teaching.

We spent the first couple of days surveying the major time divisions of Church History, the next couple of days focused on the early church up through about A.D. 500. We spent a fair amount of time on the persecutions. This opened up questions that have direct relevance to their situation. One of the students from Nigeria brought up questions about how Christians should respond to persecution today. He told about Muslims coming and killing Christians and then Christians taking up arms and killing Muslims. The questions arose whether we should defend ourselves or if it was ever legitimate to kill someone especially someone who is attacking you or your family, or if it is okay to defend yourself.

The topic of Islam raised many questions. I was amazed that at common misunderstanding that Islam is older than Christianity. The students were stunned when they learned that Christianity had been around for about 600 years before Mohammed was even born. Likewise, there was no understanding of how Protestantism relates to Catholicism. Most viewed Catholicism as either a cult or as a separate religion, different from Christianity (which they identified as Protestantism). As a result we spent quite a bit of time on the Reformation and the relationship of Protestantism to Catholicism and looked at the underlying theology of both which is grounded in the ancient creeds of the church. One student said that he had been taught that the passages in the New Testament that speak of the Trinity had been added by the Catholic Church. Others had questions that reflected the generally abysmal level of historical understanding that characterizes the Protestant church in West Africa (and I would presume throughout the whole continent).

By all accounts the condition of Christianity in Africa is amazing. At the beginning of the past century the continent was less than 3% Christian. Today it is more than 46% Christian. The Lord is doing an amazing work there. But the challenges are overwhelming. There is little pastoral education and training. Even at the pastors’ college where I was, although they have qualified teachers, there is no library, and there are no textbooks. It was for that reason that I took two suitcases full of textbooks on Church History so as to give each student his own book to study and use for future reference.

The comment of one student sums up the reason for my going to Ghana. After going through the timeline of Church History, she said with excitement in her entire being, “So I am a part of the story God is writing!” Exactly! That is why this ministry is named “Sacred Saga”… We are a part of the story God is writing, the Sacred Saga.

A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew

THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...

I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________

(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)

*

The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.

His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.

In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.

We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.

Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.

Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.

International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.

Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.

As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.

With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.

The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.

Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.

Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.

It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.

It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.

Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.

He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.

The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?

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SAYANG! kindly share.

Go to https://buyraycon.com/xiaomanyc for 15% off your order! Brought to you by Raycon. The U.S. State Department’s Foreign Service Institute ranks Arabic as one of the top 4 most difficult languages to learn for English speakers right up there with Chinese, Japanese, and Korean. Plus every Arabic-speaking country has its own very different dialect of Arabic, making it even harder to learn. So recently I accepted the challenge and spent 16 hours learning a colloquial form of Gulf Arabic with a Sudanese Dubaian tutor, and then I hit the streets of New York City’s Arabic neighborhoods which contain Arabic speakers from all over the Middle East. This video is the first time I’ve ever tried speaking Arabic with people in real life, and it was an incredible experience exploring these Arabic markets and restaurants in NYC and chatting with locals. If you’d like to check out some of the markets and restaurants featured in the video, some of my favorites are:

This AMAZING Yemeni restaurant Arth Aljanatain (seriously, so good): https://www.yelp.com/biz/arth-aljanatain-bronx

Oriental Pastry & Grocery, get the baklava!!! https://www.yelp.com/biz/oriental-pastry-and-grocery-brooklyn

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The differences between the many countries that speak English can be quite huge and we often misunderstand each other! In this video I test Prozzie on his American and British English and see how different they are to his native Canadian English! Watch and enjoy! Don't forget to comment!

#英文 #美語 #prozzie


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看其他的影片：
Check out some other videos:
阿滴英文的英式英語多好? HOW GOOD is Ray DU‘s BRITISH English?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fjTAR601cqE

與黑素斯一起泡餅乾 BISCUIT dunking with JESUS!!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SeJgp6KvmvY

台灣的外國人吃3種米血! I EAT 3 kinds of PIG's BLOOD cake!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mjWRxvltJdw&t=5s

外國人在台灣吃傳統壽司 BEST SUSHI in 台灣
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AfutAW6k7DE&t=171s

台灣的最好吃美式早餐 ! Best AMERICAN Breakfast in TAIWAN???
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TpH1Cu_-10&t=334s


拍攝景點：
Shooting Location:
台中市
Taichung City

送給我信吧！Send me something interesting!
404台中市北區漢口路四段196號
196 Hankou Road, Section 4, Taichung City, TAIWAN 404

音樂:
Salgre - Jimmy Fontanez, Media Right Productions https://youtu.be/YNaCs6mfuOs

Hi my wiggly jiggly jungle papaya monkey beans!
So this is my 100th video, and since many people have requested a video without any make-up and without circle lenses, I decided to do it in this one! ♥

★UPDATE★ In this blog post I described how the massage works and what small face in japan means! http://www.venusangelic.com/2012/08/small-face.html

In this video I'm showing you guys how to get a smaller face by doing massages and exercises! ♥ I think, this is one of my tutorials that need the fewest "ingredients" or "tools". So why not give it a try? ;) Tell me on Twitter @VenusAngelic when you tried it and how your face feels after the exercises and massages!

Every morning, right after getting out of the bed, I splash my face with cold water 5 times, followed by this exercise routine! Not only that it helps aesthetically, but also helps to fresh up my mind! Some of the exercises are from japanese magazines for teenage girls, some from japanese TV shows, but most of them are my own creations. haha♥

I know that many of you wiggly jiggly jungle papaya monkey beans don't like my voice and my accent. I'm very sorry! But I want you to know, that I will never be able to talk like a British or American person! Because I'm not British/American nor was I raised in english speaking environment. I had to teach myself english in primary school 4th grade, because the teacher didn't do english classes and I didn't want to be a dumbo! D :

My Nationality:
No I'm not swedish, russian, japanese, german etc.
I'm half Swiss and half Hungarian. I was born and raised in Switzerland, so my mother tongue is Swiss-German (also called low-german). I don't know how to speak Hungarian.
Languages I speak: Swiss-German (Kanton Aargau), German, English, Spanish (I lived in teneriffe 3 years) and Japanese. I live in London since about 9 months. I have strong accent because I still speak swiss german with my mom everyday. Swiss German is very different from high german. Let me show you an example.
English: I want a cookie.
German: Ich will einen Keks.
Swiss German: Ech wott äs Guetzli.

○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●○●
(灬╹ω╹灬) SUBSCRIBBLE FOR MORE VIDEOS! ♥
☆ New videos every Wednesday & Friday at Japan time 9pm!
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Credits
━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━─━
Royalty free music used in this video:
Song Titles: "Aces High", and "Fork And Spoon"
Artist Name of all 2 songs: Kevin MacLeod
Download Links:
http://music.incompetech.com/royaltyfree2/Fork%20and%20Spoon.mp3
http://music.incompetech.com/royaltyfree2/Aces%20High.mp3