關於 i count on you 中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

[時事英文] 美國阿札爾部長的「Tsai總統」發音！

Is this whole discussion really about diplomatic courtesy and English pronunciation, or is it just another ploy to attract media attention?

這些「發音的討論」是基於外交禮節、英文的發音亦或只是獲得媒體關注的手段？

Probably all three? A better way to improve public image might be to invest more in community service, connect with the constituency, and cultivate new talents.

1. diplomatic courtesy 外交禮節
2. ploy 計謀、策略、手段
3. lift public image 提升形象
4. community service 社區服務
5. constituency 選區；選區的選民
6. new talents 新秀

也許以上皆是? 提升公眾形象更好的途徑可以是透過投入社區服務、增加與選民的互動以及培養有潛力的新秀。

Focus on issues that count, not make petty arguments.

★★★★★★★★★★★★

HHS Secretary Alex Azar Statement on Meeting with President Tsai Ing-wen (As Prepared for Delivery)

Thank you, President Tsai [ts-eye], for welcoming me to Taiwan today. It is a true honor to be here to convey a message of strong support and friendship from President Trump to Taiwan.

I would like to congratulate President Tsai on beginning her second term earlier this year. As Secretary Pompeo said in marking her inauguration in May, President Tsai’s courage and vision in leading Taiwan’s vibrant democracy are an inspiration to the region and the world.

7. convey a message of… 傳遞...的訊息
8. Secretary 國務卿
9. inauguration 就職
10. a vibrant democracy 有活力的民主
11. an inspiration to… 為…的表率

美國衛生部部長阿薩爾與蔡總統會面致詞稿

謝謝蔡總統今天歡迎我到訪台灣，能夠在這裡傳達川普總統對
台灣的強力支持和友誼是我誠摯的榮幸。我要祝賀蔡總統在今年初展開第二任期。正如國務卿蓬佩奧就蔡總統五月份就職典禮所發表的聲明所說，蔡總統帶領活力民主台灣的勇氣和願景，堪稱印太地區及全世界的表率。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I also want to offer my condolences to everyone in Taiwan on the loss of your former President Lee Teng-hui, the father of Taiwan’s democracy and one of the great leaders of the 20th century’s movement toward democracy.

12. offer condolences 表達哀悼之情
13. the father of Taiwan’s democracy 台灣民主之父
14. movement 運動

我也想對前總統李登輝的逝世，向台灣人民表達哀悼之意。李前總統是台灣民主之父，也是二十世紀民主運動的偉大領袖。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Under President Trump, the United States has expressed our admiration for Taiwan’s democratic success in tangible ways. President Trump has signed legislation to strengthen the partnership between Taiwan and the United States, and in 2018, we opened a new American Institute in Taiwan, a brick-and-mortar commitment to our treasured friendship.

15. in a tangible way 切實地; 以確實的方式*
16. sign (v.) legislation to 簽署法案
17. partnership 夥伴關係
18. a brick-to-mortar commitment 堅定的承諾 (brick and mortar 指實體房屋，這裡指如磚牆般堅固的承諾)

在川普總統的領導下，美國對台灣的成功民主制度表示讚賞。川普總統也簽署了相關法案，強化美台的夥伴關係。2018年，我們啟用了美國在台協會新館，象徵著美國對美台友誼的珍視及堅定承諾。

*tangible: https://bit.ly/3fQPPZs

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The particular focus of both my discussion with President Tsai and of our trip is highlighting Taiwan’s success on health, in combating COVID-19, and cooperating with the United States to prevent, detect, and respond to health threats.

19. the focus of... ...的焦點
20. highlight one’s success on… 強調在…的成功(這裡指台灣的防疫的成就)
21. cooperate with 與…的合作
22. detect (v.) 發現、察覺
23. health threats 健康的威脅(這裡指疫情)

我與蔡總統的對談以及本次訪台的重點在於，強調台灣在公共衛生及對抗新冠病毒疫情的卓越成就，以及台灣與美國在預防、發現及應對疫情上的通力合作。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Taiwan’s response to COVID-19 has been among the most successful in the world, and that is a tribute to the open, transparent, democratic nature of Taiwan’s society and culture. Taiwan had tremendous success in detecting COVID-19, managing the outbreak, and sharing this valuable information with other nations. Taiwan’s success in health and industry has allowed it to extend a helping hand to others, sending needed supplies around the world, including to the United States and Pacific Island nations.

24. be a tribute to sth/sb 是（優秀、強大或有效性）的明證
25. transparent 透明的
26. tremendous success 巨大的成功
27. manage outbreak控制(疫情的)爆發
28. extend a helping hand to others 向他人伸出援手

台灣的防疫措施可謂世界上數一數二的成功典範，而這都歸因於台灣社會及文化的開放、透明和民主。台灣在發現新冠病毒、控制疫情，以及與其他國家分享寶貴資訊上都取得非凡的成果。台灣的公衛專業和產業實力也得以協助他人，提供美國和太平洋島國等世界各國夥伴所需的物資。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Again, I am grateful to President Tsai for welcoming us to Taiwan and I look forward to using this visit to convey our admiration for Taiwan and to learn about how our shared democratic values have driven success in health.

29. convey(v.) admiration 表達欽佩
30. shared democratic values 共享民主價值
31. have driven success in… 帶動…領域的成功

我要再次感謝蔡總統的熱情歡迎，我也期待藉此訪問傳達美國對台灣的欽佩之意，並了解我們的共享民主價值如何帶動公共衛生領域的成功。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

AIT 中英文演講稿：
https://bit.ly/3kzKCcg (英文)
https://bit.ly/3gNAjPg (中文)

圖片出處： https://bit.ly/3fHD8Ac

完整影片: https://youtu.be/unB8N5d2Fm4

★★★★★★★★★★★★

時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc

時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop

讓我們聚焦於有意義的議題，免去枝微末節。

【每日國際選讀】
#文末挑戰多益選擇題📝
迪士尼的致命吸引力？
開啟「接收通知」和「搶先看」每天吸收雙語時事新知
來讀華爾街日報獨家

Disney World Set to Reopen With Capacity Limits, Strict Rules
迪士尼預計在人數限制級嚴格管制下重新開園

-reopen: 重啟
-capacity limits: 容量限制，此指遊客容納量

Langley Roby, a 38-year-old teacher, counts traveling to Walt Disney World in her mother’s womb as her first visit to the theme park in Orlando, Fla. Her mother was six months pregnant, but that didn’t stop her from riding Space Mountain, says Ms. Roby.
38歲的教師Langley Roby將自己還在娘胎時算做自己在迪士尼樂園的初訪，當時他母親懷孕六個月，但這並沒有阻止他搭乘太空山。

-count: 數、算
-womb: 子宮
-Space Mountain：迪士尼有名的遊樂設施，屬雲霄飛車類型

Ms. Roby’s next visit to Disney World may end up being even more unusual. Ms. Roby, from Owensboro, Ky., plans to arrive at the park early Thursday morning to be among the first guests welcomed back into the Magic Kingdom since the coronavirus pandemic closed its gates in March.
Roby的下次迪士尼之旅可能會更加地與眾不同。來自肯塔基州的Roby預計在周四凌晨抵達迪士尼樂園，成為自今年三月因新冠病毒疫情關園後，首批被歡迎回到這個神奇王國的遊客。

-end up: 最後成為，以…告終
-Magic Kingdom: 佛羅里達州的迪士尼樂園的別稱，中文翻為神奇王國

“It’s never going to be cleaner than it is that day,” said Ms. Roby, who said she has visited Disney World about 40 times. “I feel like it will honestly be a safer environment than just going to the grocery [store] or any place local because Disney has so much on the line.”
Roby已經去過迪士尼大約40次，他說再也沒有哪一天會比重新開放那時更來的乾淨了。Roby表示：「我認真覺得這比去雜貨店或是當地其他任何地方都來得安全，因為迪士尼要承擔相當大的風險。」

-honestly: 誠實地、正直地
-on the line: 處於危險之中，這邊意思是迪士尼開放期處於相當大的風險之中，特別是相較於一般店面，他們更怕客人受到感染，因此他們會更加嚴格謹慎。

未完待續...
迪士尼在此時此刻重啟究竟是否合宜呢？
加入文末每日國際選讀計畫，解鎖完整語音導讀版

——
原文連結請看留言
——

❓❓多益模擬題❓:
You will ______ penniless if you keep spending this way.
A. end
B. be ending
C. end up

-

【每日商業英文計畫，熱烈招生中！】
華爾街日報訂閱超值方案 📰
專屬 #臉書社團，浩爾 #每日語音導讀
「留言+1」，就送你 #優惠碼 及 #導讀試聽！

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

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* 中文：
哈囉 大家好！
這是第二集的求婚特別計畫. 從戒指的設計到現場花海的佈置
,從音樂的挑選到美食佳餚設計,每一個細節環環相扣,我覺得很幸運有一群很棒的朋友們一路對我的支持與幫助我才能完成這個特別的驚喜.
特別要感謝 THE TOP 餐廳, RnD Bar&Cocktails, 我的好朋友@Henry & Donny , Gisele, Michelle, Tiger...跟其他所有支持我的好朋友.

希望你們喜歡這個影片！
請大家來支持我的頻道， 別忘記按讚，訂閱 與 分享！ 謝謝你們🙏

* English：
Hi everyone!
Here is the second episode following me step by step to organize that special moment. From the ring design to the floral decoration, from the music to the buffet and bar, every details count and I feel lucky to be surrounded by amazing friends to help me accomplishing this surprise.
A special THANK YOU to The Top Restaurant, RnD Bar&Cocktails, to my friends @Henry & Donny , Gisele, Michelle, Tiger and all the other beautiful souls that supported me.

Don't forget to give a LIKE or COMMENT to help with the algorithm and SUBSCRIBE to support me !
Lots of love to you all :)
Thanks for being here on my journey.

#fabiograngeon #fabio #法比歐

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暗網? 陰謀論?: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W5RVLpFkAKQ&list=PLGzW5EwcApFuqKoowMHS9v8W34vIPyrtk

鬼故事: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H4rmkFI1ik0&list=PLglqLngY6gv5BCwaoP-q6DOwUmw1lIusF

我的100K成長故事: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kdhtp6A6YJE

破解Kate yup事件是假的! 不是綁架! 不要被騙! (Facebook上的證據): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2NJVt56ORWo&t=2s

曼德拉效應: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OMutzRIE_uE&list=PLglqLngY6gv5BCwaoP-q6DOwUmw1lIusF&index=17&t=5s

深刻個人經歷: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Roa6Vs1qWc&list=PLglqLngY6gv4mm_doLUUJx4zq5KvLJ2VE



美國警察跪頸殺死黑人令全國暴動 | 少數民族的感受

George Floyd

暗網仔出街的觀眾, 大家好!

我IG上這段時間很多朋友也post這張全黑的照片, 並加了這個Black lives matter的#. #blacklivesmatter.

其回應在美加, 特別美國, 多個州份也有示威甚至暴動.

Black lives matter是2013年成立的國際人權運動去對抗美國對黑人的種族暴力. 最近因爲minnesota州 (明尼蘇達州) 一位黑人被4個黑警在大家眼前殺死, 引起全北美州的暴動. 令到各界最震撼是這位警察垃圾用隻腿壓在這個男人脖子上殺死他這個畫面.

到底怎麼會到了這個地步?

事源在5月25號警察收到商店cup foods的電話收到一張假的$20紙幣. 警察到場後發現一個喝醉了的黑人男子George Floyd. 警察他的槍然後拉了George Floyd出車拘捕了他. 之後另外兩位警察到場, 其中一位是殺死Floyd的那位警察. 這個時候George Floyd已經是醉到沒有力抵抗逮捕而且是協助他們的.
警察想拉George Floyd進入車內, 有密室恐懼症的George央求他們不要.
8:20分George Floyd被壓在地上, 那位警察就用腿跪在Floyd的頸上. 現時途人開始拍片. 影片中可以看到是4個武裝人員制伏一個醉了的人. 另外兩位警察分別壓在George Floyd上身和雙腿上.
8:20至8:25分期間George Floyd說了 “I can’t breathe” 我無法呼吸16次.

途人想幫忙卻被助止, 警察甚至掏出胡椒噴霧.
(George floyd screams for mama)
8:25分George失去知覺. 脈搏確認停了. 警察仍然不動. 8:27分救護車到達現場. 8:28警察才放開George. George Floyd的頸被壓了9分鐘. George送到醫院後證實死亡.

之後那位 “警察” 被控告三級謀殺. 其餘什麼也沒有做的警察也被捕.
外界之後對此事的反應極大. 由26號George Floyd死的那個位置設立紀念碑開始, 名 ‘George Floyd protests’ 的暴動開始擴散至minnesota州, 整個美國. 之後德國, 奧州和最近到了加拿大我現在住的城市, 多倫多.

這些照片是我家附近, 大概20分鐘就能到達的地方. 一些購物中心怕有一些人利用這個情況去做出looting的行為, 所以block了自己的窗. It’s disgusting that people are using this opportunity to self gain. 星期五我住的地方也發生了暴動.

[種族歧視] Racism

之前我也拍類似題材的影片, 但這件事core的問題是Racism. Blacklivesmatter存在因為太多黑人無估被警察, people that we count on to protect us. 殺死.
好多人在爭論George floyd的$20真的是假的. 他的確fan了法. 但你爲了$20去拿了他人的生命. 我不理這個人做了什麼. 殺人fan也好. 警察職權是protect the law. That’s it ! That’s where it ends. 之後那些, you are not allowed to do.

在美國對黑人真的差. 大家可以想像你的樣子定了你的罪. How would it be if every time you walked out the door you were afraid of being murdered that day. Afraid to get police to help you because they most likely see you as the bad guy. 一個黑人的心態就是這樣.

我覺得美加始終對我們黃種人的racism都不算太差. 我長大後跟白色社會的警察也是一般的interaction. 但我小時候有一次不好的經歷.

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