美國國會好消息❗️中央社這篇整理得非常詳細,直接轉發。
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根據眾院程序委員會(Rules Committee)日前公布的草案,與台灣相關條文主要列在第1243、1247與1248條。
第1243條建議美台國民兵合作。條文要求美國國防部長最晚在2022年2月15日前,必須向國會相應委員會提交關於加強美國國民兵(National Guard)與台灣合作的可行性與適當性報告。
第1247條則是關於協助台灣強化自我防衛能力。條文重申台灣關係法與六項保證是美台關係基石。
國會在第1248條提出意見指出,台灣海軍應當受邀參與2022年環太平洋軍事演習(RIMPAC)。環太平洋軍演由美軍主導,每兩年舉行一次,是全球最大的國際海上軍事演習。自1971年開始的環太平洋軍演是為培養與經營美國與盟邦間的關係,是確保海上航線安全與支持印太自由開放至關重要的一個環節。
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其實邀請台灣參加環太平洋軍演(RIMPAC)已經不是第一次在美國國會法案中提出,2017年度眾議院版本的國防授權法中,就有提到要讓台灣擁有RIMPAC的觀察員資格;2017年提出的《台灣安全法》中也寫明美國應邀請台灣軍隊參加RIMPAC和紅旗軍演。
國防授權法案(National Defense Authorization Act)是每個年度都會提出,也都會通過的法案,因為法案包含了各種國防項目的預算。基於這種年度例行性預算法案的性質,大家都會想把那些獨自成案難以通過的內容,想辦法塞到NDAA裡,看是不是能夠用福袋的概念統包一起過國會。
所以我們就會看到《台灣夥伴關係法》(Taiwan Partnership Act)中提到的台美國民兵合作,這次也出現在眾議院版的NDAA中(意思是台灣夥伴關係法在國會中有點難推動,直接把法案精華插入NDAA一起過的意思)。
不過大家還是不要高興得太快,因為目前參眾兩院的內容並不一致,要協調出一個統一版本後才能通過國會。而通常也是在這個階段,很多原本在參、眾院版本中比較香辣刺激的內容會被抽掉 ...。大家一起集氣💪🏻!
▷ 中央社報導:https://reurl.cc/1ooDXW。
✨ 觀測站傳送門:https://linktr.ee/us.taiwan.watch。
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同時也有3部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過11萬的網紅Lukas Engström,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Mom! I'm on the Taiwanese News!: https://tw.appledaily.com/international/20201203/2QJRE43V4FFE7OGNBIF3ODBA5Q/ Who's Prozzie?!: https://www.youtube.c...
「taiwan defense act」的推薦目錄:
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 US Taiwan Watch: 美國台灣觀測站 Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 US Taiwan Watch: 美國台灣觀測站 Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 王炳忠 Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 Ghost Island Media 鬼島之音 Youtube 的最讚貼文
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 US Defense Spending Act | By TaiwanPlus News - Facebook 的評價
- 關於taiwan defense act 在 WH Says Taiwan Relations Act Remains Law Of The Land ... 的評價
taiwan defense act 在 US Taiwan Watch: 美國台灣觀測站 Facebook 的精選貼文
跨黨派的美國參議員,7月20提出「台灣夥伴關係法」(Taiwan Partnership Act)草案。這個法案主旨是要在美國國民警衛隊和台灣軍隊之間建立夥伴關係,目的是整合各方國防力量,用在危機期間能夠快速部署。
6月時親自訪問台灣並宣布捐贈疫苗的民主黨參議員達克沃絲(Tammy Duckworth)領銜提案。她說:台灣是美國在印太地區的重要戰略夥伴,盼強化美台合作。
這個法案的領銜人包括共和黨籍參議員史考特(Rick Scott)與科寧(John Cornyn)和民主黨籍達克沃絲。連署人包括參議員威克(Roger Wicker)、克萊默(Kevin Cramer)、蘭克福德(James Lankford)、提里斯(Thom Tillis)、楊恩( Todd Young)、馬歇爾(Roger Marshall)、克魯茲(Ted Cruz)、恩斯特(Joni Ernst)、科頓(Tom Cotton )和海德史密斯(Cindy Hyde-Smith)等人。
史考特特別點名說,這項立法是要向習近平總書記傳達重要訊息,即「美國不會容忍他對台灣自治的威脅。」
科寧表示:「台灣是地區重要的盟友,該地區面臨日益嚴重的不穩定和權力競爭。此項立法將有助於確保 如果台灣的自治受到威脅,美國國民警衛隊能做好準備採取行動支持台灣。」
而前陣子特地飛來台灣宣布美國疫苗捐贈的達克沃絲議員則說:「我和科寧議員提出這個跨黨派法案要來評估我們雙方人民在緊急災害應變、資訊安全、教育、文化交流和顧問計劃等重要問題上加強合作的可行性。」
新聞整理法案內容的重點包括:
1、制定美國國民警衛隊與台灣之間的夥伴關係計劃
2、加強美台防務高官與將領交流,提高相互操作性,完善台灣後備力量,擴大人道救災合作;
3、擴大台灣進行安全活動的能力,包括傳統的作戰指揮、與國民警衛隊的合作以及多邊活動;
4、要求國防部長提交國民警衛隊與台灣合作的年度報告。
➤ 自由時報新聞:https://reurl.cc/O0L8xR。
這裡和大家補充一下相關知識。美國國民警衛隊(United States National Guard),又稱為國民兵(Citizen Soldier),是由美國陸軍和空軍組訓的「預備役」部隊,最早是在獨立前就存在的民兵組織。目前美國約有33萬陸軍國民兵、10萬空軍警衛隊。
根據美國憲法,美國各州(包括海外領地以及華盛頓特區)都有自己組建起來的國民兵,經費是由聯邦政府和州政府一起出。跟聯邦軍隊不同的是,國民軍在和平時期不受國防單位指揮,各州都可以根據法律來啟動國民兵的佈署行動,而總統在特定條件下(例如戰時、重大災害)也可以有權力調動各州的國民兵。也就是說,國民兵一方面服從國家指揮,一方面也服從州政府。華盛頓特區的國民兵是由總統指揮。
由於國民警衛隊的特殊性質,立委林俊憲也在臉書上分析為什麼國民警衛隊是加強台美軍事聯繫的最適合單位:
1、可實際上協助台灣改善後備軍事體系,協助台灣進行後備動員改革
2、軍事色彩較低(介於正規軍與民兵間的特殊身份),可以降低來自中國的施壓
➤ 立委林俊憲原文:https://reurl.cc/7rm9o5。
其實美國方面一直以來就很關注台灣後備軍力的發展和管理,早在2018年內布拉斯加州的共和黨眾議員培根(Don Bacon),就提出了《台灣國防評估委員會法案》( Taiwan Defense Assessment Commission Act of 2018, TDACA),要求美國國防部長成立委員會來針對台灣的軍力現況做評估,當時要評估的一個項目就是「人事管理與軍力開發」。而同一年,最後由總統川普簽數通過的《2019國防授權法》(NDAA 2019),在1257條「強化台灣即時應戰能力」內把培根議員法案中的文字加強,變成「人事管理和部隊發展,特別是後備軍力」,更可見美國對台灣後備軍力的重視。
事實上,國防部近年開辦的「後備戰士」(後備軍人志願短期入營服役制度)就是參照美、英等國之後備軍人,利用假日返營訓練的作法。2018年的漢光演習也首次把民間的後備能量納入演習項目,例如民間營造廠、民間無人機、中華電信公司投入戰損復舊等。
最後,今年三月份的時候,台美簽署了海巡合作備忘錄(https://reurl.cc/qmMx0p )。後來拜登總統也有公開講到和台灣合作海巡的重要性(https://reurl.cc/YOp7nD )。美國海岸防衛隊(United States Coast Guard,USCG)是美國六大軍種之一,專責海事執法,平時受國土安全部管轄,戰時可移交由海軍指揮,這跟國民軍的特色還滿像的。若真的可以促成台灣的軍方和國民兵交流,這個推進的意義大概還會比台美海巡合作備忘錄再提升一層。
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taiwan defense act 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的最讚貼文
淺談「假新聞」
最近上課時學到一個新單字「positionality」,讓我想到當前社群媒體上,不停看到的「fake news」——假新聞。
簡言之,「positionality」(位置性) 被定義為於種族、階級、性別、性取向以及能力等狀態中,創造你身分的社會與政治背景。位置性還描述了你的身分如何影響你對世界的理解與看法,以及潛在的偏見。
positionality 位置性;定位
https://terms.naer.edu.tw/detail/3390885/
https://www.lexico.com/definition/positionality
以下是我對「positionality」與 「fake news」的些許觀點:
“Fake news” has permeated all facets of life, ranging from social media interaction to presidential elections. Fake news can be defined as “fabricated information that mimics news media content in form but not in organizational process or intent” (Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1094). The creators and outlets of fake news do not ensure the accuracy and credibility of information, but rather disseminate misinformation or disinformation for purposes ranging from personal amusement to creating deceptions to achieve political aims. At times, fake news is created and disseminated by state or non-state actors using social media accounts and networks of bots designed to hijack feed algorithms of platforms such as Twitter or Facebook (Prier, 2017, p. 54). In the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, Facebook estimated that up to 60 million bots were used to post political content. Some of the same bots were then used in an attempt to influence the 2017 French election (Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1095). Such campaigns can be understood as a form of information warfare, a comprehensive attempt to control and influence every facet of the information supply chain, thereby influencing public opinion and behaviors. (Prier, 2017, p. 54). Often, fake news is not directly created by actors that seek to manipulate but by journalists or content creators whose content favors or aligns with the narratives of these actors (Doshi, 2020).
從社群媒體的互動到總統選舉,「假新聞」(fake news)已滲透至生活的各個層面。假新聞可被定義為「在形式上而非組織過程或意圖上,模仿新聞媒體內容所捏造的資訊」(Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1094)。無論是出於個人愛好或為達政治目的而有所欺瞞,假新聞的製造者與傳播管道並不保證資訊的準確性與可信度,反而是為了散播錯誤訊息(misinformation)或扭曲訊息(disinformation)。有時,假新聞是由國家或非國家行為者(state or non-state actors)所製造與傳播,藉由社群媒體帳號及網絡機器人來劫持諸如臉書與推特等平臺的推送演算法(Prier, 2017, p. 54)。在2016年的美國總統大選中,臉書估計有多達6千萬個機器人被用來發布政治貼文。其中,有部分機器人被用於影響隔年的法國大選(Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1095)。此類行動可視為資訊戰(information warfare)的一種形式,一種對控制與影響資訊供應鏈各環節的全面嘗試,從而影響公眾輿論與行為(Prier, 2017, p. 54)。假新聞通常是由記者或內容創造者(content creators)所創造,而非試圖操弄的行為者,前者的內容偏好符合後者的敘事(Doshi, 2020)。
Nevertheless, while the term “fake news” is commonplace, there is no universal, measurable way to quantify the fakeness or truthfulness of news. There are many fact-checking and media-bias detection tools, but they cannot objectively detect and clarify the more subtle and nuanced aims of manipulative actors that play a crucial role in news production. It can also be argued that the veracity of news depends not only on the actors that seek to manipulate it, but also on the positionality of its consumers. Therefore, one’s initial line of defense against misleading news lies not in the plethora of fact-checking devices but more in one’s pre-existing dispositions and skills to think and act in response to misleading information. This ability can be referred to as critical thinking, which can be more concretely expounded as “reasonable and reflective thinking focused on deciding what to believe or do” (Ennis, 2011, p. 15).
然而,即便「假新聞」一詞隨處可見,卻沒有統一、可衡量的方式來量化新聞的虛假性或真實性。目前有許多事實查核與媒體偏見檢測工具,但它們無法客觀地檢測與說明行為操弄者更狡猾、更細緻的目標,而這些操弄者往往在新聞的生產中發揮著重要作用。我們也可以說,新聞的真實性不僅取決於試圖操弄它的行為者,同時還取決於新聞受眾的位置性。因此,一個人對抗誤導性新聞的第一道防線,不在於這些五花八門的事實查核方式,反而在於個人所固有的性格,以及針對誤導性資訊的思考與行動等相關技能。這種能力可稱為批判性思考(critical thinking),意即「專注於決定相信什麼或做什麼的理性思考與反思性思考」(Ennis, 2011, p. 15)。
Taiwan, also known as the Republic of China (ROC), is at the forefront of information warfare. It is wedged between the geopolitical struggles of global and regional hegemonies such as the United States and China, the People's Republic of China (PRC). Compounding the matter are the Taiwan’s own political actors vying for influence and power. This struggle seeps into all aspects of life and practice, mainly manifesting itself on social media, a battleground of information warfare. The Ministry of Education of Taiwan is cognizant of these information campaigns, and efforts have been made to introduce media literacy into all parts of its education system. According to the ministry, the government has tried to promote media literacy education since 2000 (MOE, 2002, p. 1), with one of its primary goals to cultivate its “citizens” abilities for independent learning, critical thinking, and problem solving” (MOE, 2002, p. 2).
臺灣,也被稱為中華民國,正處於資訊戰的最前線。這是全球霸權與地區霸權之間——如美國與中國(中華人民共和國)——的地緣政治對抗。使問題惡化的是臺灣自身的政治行動者對影響力與權力的奪取。這場對抗遍布於現實生活的各個面向,主要於社群媒體中——資訊戰的戰場——展露無遺。臺灣的教育部注意到了這些資訊的煙硝,並已努力將媒體素養引入其教育體系。據該部稱,自2000年以來,政府一直試圖推展媒體素養教育(MOE, 2002, p. 1),其主要目標之一是培養「公民獨立學習、批判性思考以及解決問題的能力。」(MOE, 2002, p. 2)。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
上述段落認為,由於個人的位置性(positionality),「假新聞」極難定義。此外,有許多人把不符合自身成見與偏好的新聞逕斥為假新聞。這其實相當危險,因為個人觀點將會變得愈發孤立與激進。
閱聽人應意識到,他們在網路上看到的每個資訊都有特定立場。是否真有毫無立場的新聞文章?為了對抗操弄性或強制性資訊(coercive information),我們必須意識到權力於個中的作用,以及我們自身的位置性如何形塑我們的詮釋。這是我們的第一道防線。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
參考文獻
Doshi, R. (2020, January). China steps up its information war in Taiwan. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved March, 21, 2021, from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2020-01-09/china-steps-its-information-war-taiwan
Ennis, R. H. (1985). A logical basis for measuring critical thinking skills. Educational leadership, 43(2), 44-48.
Lazer, D. M., Baum, M. A., Benkler, Y., Berinsky, A. J., Greenhill, K. M., Menczer, F., ... & Zittrain, J. L. (2018). The science of fake news. Science, 359(6380), 1094-1096.
MOE (Ministry of Education), Taiwan. (2002). White paper on media literacy educational policy. Retrieved March, 21, 2021, from http://english.moe.gov.tw/public/Attachment/ 2122416591771.pdf
Prier, J. (2017). Commanding the trend: Social media as information warfare. Strategic Studies Quarterly: SSQ, 11(4), 50-85.
★★★★★★★★★★★★
教育時評: http://bit.ly/39ABON9
相關詞彙: https://bit.ly/2UncrfI
TED相關影片: https://bit.ly/3BDsDKl
taiwan defense act 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的精選貼文
Mom! I'm on the Taiwanese News!: https://tw.appledaily.com/international/20201203/2QJRE43V4FFE7OGNBIF3ODBA5Q/
Who's Prozzie?!:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4G_IDdZk02s&ab_channel=LukasEngstr%C3%B6m
2021 National Defense Authorization Act: https://docs.house.gov/billsthisweek/20201207/CRPT-116hrpt617.pdf
DK The Human's Road to Ramen blog:
https://roadtoramen.com/Day-322-How-to-Move-to-Taiwan-During-a-Pandemic-9b98345daee942af98839bfd30687778
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taiwan defense act 在 王炳忠 Youtube 的最佳貼文
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“Are you helping or harming us?” This is my serious question to you American politicians, including those in the Trump administration and in the Congress. As the spokesperson for the New Party, one of Taiwan’s political parties, and also a young man who has lived in Taiwan for more than 32 years since my birth, I should tell you that the answer decides our future without doubt. In other words, the very fact I must confirm is whether you support Taiwan independence instead of the One-China policy or just deploy Taiwan as your pawn to bargain with Beijing. To be honest, as you always take it for granted to sacrifice others for your benefits, it is quite important for us to make sure in advance.
As we all know, the US Congress usually tends to challenge China’s sovereignty over Taiwan because of the impact of the military-industrial complex and the lobbies hired by the Taiwan government. The Taiwan Travel Act and the TAIPEI Act are the late instances. However, without the administration’s implementation, these are only lip service. Thus, the administration’s attitude is crucial indeed. So, let’s see the Department of State. As Secretary Pompeo stated last March, the US is now using every tool in its tool kit to prevent China from isolating Taiwan through diplomatic channels. This year, after shifting blames for its neglect of the pandemic prevention by attacking China and the WHO, the Department of State recently expressed support for Taiwan’s participation in the WHA. The above really triggered my curiosity: The establishment of the US-Taiwan formal diplomatic relations is just the most useful tool, isn’t it? Why does the US not use that? Besides, since Taiwan should become a formal member of the UN before entering the WHO, why does the US not recognize Taiwan as a sovereign state or the ROC government in Taiwan as the only legal government of China instead of the PRC?
The answer to my question seems that your real intention is not to support Taiwan’s real independence but only to trouble Beijing. Just as Pompeo said at a congressional hearing, the Trump administration’s way of viewing the US-Taiwan relations can consider the threat of China’s rise more than the predecessors, which reveals that Taiwan is only a chess piece for Washington to play with Beijing. Furthermore, since the US has no will to have Taiwan as a formal ally, Taiwan is just a pawn you can sacrifice anytime. Consequently, Taiwan must suffer the worsening of cross-strait relations at our own cost while the US just plays Taiwan to bargain with Beijing for your own interests. The outcome is so predictable that Taiwan should go through a depression for its large economic dependence on mainland China which you are unable and unwilling to make up. Besides, we should even consider the most serious situation that a war occurs in the Taiwan Strait. The scenario of Taiwan military is holding on alone within two to three weeks in order to wait for the US military aid. Nevertheless, as the former AIT chairman Richard Bush said, the implied commitment of the US to come to Taiwan’s defense has never be absolute. In other words, we should risk engaging a war with Beijing resulted from your dangerous game, sacrificing our lives for your lies.
As I already told you earlier, the real threat to the US is not China’s rise but the loss of your self-confidence. Moreover, you have weakened the stability across the Taiwan Strait by inciting Taiwan to deny the 1992 consensus and intervening in Taiwan’s campaign last year, which destroys the status quo and your interests indeed. Certainly, as what Secretary Pompeo has told us, “We lied, we cheated, we stole,” how can we bet our future on the US “glory” of lying, cheating, and stealing? In fact, as you once betrayed us in 1978 even though the ROC government in Taiwan and your government was formal alliance then, it is much easier for you today to abandon us when the deal has been done.
In conclusion, as your government declared plainly in the U.S.-PRC Joint Communique (1972), the US had its interests in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the Chinese themselves. Accordingly, since you are not willing to recognize either Taiwan as an independent state or the ROC as the legal government of China, we have no choice but to deal with the question of reunification with Beijing by the Chinese ourselves. Helping instead of harming us, you could stop intervening in the Taiwan question, otherwise it will only strengthen the risk across the Taiwan Strait and put us in jeopardy. Thank you if you release your hands.
taiwan defense act 在 Ghost Island Media 鬼島之音 Youtube 的最讚貼文
Welcome to the first episode. Today, we discuss the changing landscape of Asia-Pacific security, its implications on Taiwan, and the role that partners like the U.S. plays.
Today's guest is Dr. Kharis Templeman - a political scientist and an advisor on the Taiwan Democracy and Security Project at Stanford University.
Hosted by J.R. Wu - Chief of the Secretariat for INDSR (Institute for National Defense and Security Research) in Taiwan. Wu is a former journalist with nearly two decades of media experience in the US and Asia. She has led news bureaus for Reuters and Dow Jones. At INDSR, Wu advises the institute’s leadership, handles international outreach with external stakeholders, and supports project management.
This is a current affairs show covering topics critical to Taiwan and the implications for Asia and beyond. These are global issues, and this is “The Taiwan Take.”
Follow us on Twitter @ghostislandme
Send your feedback to web@ghostisland.media
SHOW CREDIT
Host - J.R. Wu
Researcher - Sam Robbins (Twitter @helloitissam)
Producer / Editor - Emily Y. Wu (Twitter @emilyywu)
Today’s Guest - Kharis Templeman (Twitter @kharisborloff)
Brand Design - Thomas Lee
Production Company - Ghost Island Media (https://ghostisland.media)
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