關於 world bank latin america ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

古巴版勇者鬥惡龍
Cuban Dragon Quest

請原諒我用詼諧的語調來講述一個英雄的傳奇。 如不是這樣，這文章會顯得太批判且爭議。這個故事是有關於古巴英雄Che Guevara。Che Guevara 古巴式西文發音接近「謝•給巴喇」。謝一輩子多數的時間都在扮演鬥惡龍的勇者。那麼我們就姑且稱呼他為「勇者謝」吧！
Forgive me for describing a hero’s legend in a comic style. If it is done otherwise, this article would appear too critical as well as controversial. The story begins with a dragon slayer whose name was Che Guevara. Most of his life was spent on trying to slay an evil dragon. So, let’s tentatively call him Che the Dragon Slayer.

勇者謝本名叫Ernesto Guevara。結過兩次婚。第一任妻子生了一個女兒，第二任生了4個孩子。他曾有個美夢想要生一個棒球隊的孩子。後來甚至希望要一個足球隊。
Che the Dragon Slayer’s actual name is Ernesto Guevara, who was married twice with one daughter from the first marriage and four children from the second. He once had a dream of wanting to have a baseball team of kids and a football team for later.

謝出生於阿根廷的一個富裕的家庭。還未成為勇者的謝在醫學院畢業後與友人花了九個月騎摩托車遊歷在各個拉丁美洲國家之中（可參考電影摩托車日記）。這個時期拉丁美洲許多國家活在惡龍的威脅陰影之下。就像最後成為佛祖的那位看遍了人世苦難的印度王子一樣，謝的革命思維在遊歷期間因為見到了許許多多不公不不義而逐漸成熟。
Che was born into a well-to-do Argentinian family. After graduating from medical school and before taking on his dragon slayer title, Che spent nine months touring countries in Latin America with his friend (please refer to the excellent movie The Motorcycle Diaries). Latin America during that time was under the looming shadow from an evil dragon. Like the Indian prince who became Buddha after witnessing all the worldly suffering, Che’s idea to start a revolution to free Latin America became fully developed while he saw many injustices during his trip.

旅程結束後的隔年，謝就加入了革命的行列成為一位真正的勇者，發誓讓中南美洲免於惡龍的威脅。坊間相傳他在墨西哥時三訪卡斯楚，想要加入古巴革命軍。但前前兩次都被拒絕了，第三次他透過卡斯楚的一位阿根廷好朋友跟卡斯楚推薦。第三次卡斯楚終於說：好吧，謝（Che ）你來吧。從此他在秘密行動中開始使用謝這個化名。甚至在給本國人使用的3 CUP上放上了自己勇者謝（Che）的簽名和肖像。
In the year following the end of his journey, Che joined the ranks of the revolution and became a genuine dragon slayer, swearing to free Latin America from the threats of the evil dragon. According to one of Che the Dragon Slayer’s stories among Cubans, he visited Fidel Castro in Mexico three times, each time intending to join the Cuban revolution force. He was turned down the first two times. The third time, Che the Dragon Slayer had a good Argentinian friend of Fidel Castro recommend that Che be allowed to join the force. Finally, Fidel Castro nodded his approval, and said “Che, come and join us!”. Ever since that moment, this dragon slayer adopted the name Che for all his covert operations. He even allowed the name Che and his portrait to be used on the three-dollar CUP bill used by the locals.

前往Santa Clara路上，座落著勇者謝的衣冠塚紀念館。紀念館建築上方豎立了一尊著軍裝的勇者謝雕像。其中值得注意的是他的左手打著石膏。石膏的由來是他在這附近打游擊戰時，為了翻過一道高牆而摔斷了左手臂。因此立在這裡的雕像如實表現勇者鬥惡龍的狀況。在給外國人用的3 CUC的鈔票上的雕像就是這個Che的雕像。
On the way to Santa Clara sits the Che Guevara Mausoleum. A bronze statue of Che the Dragon Slayer in his military uniform was erected on top of the building. When looking carefully, you will notice that the left arm of the statue is in a cast. The story goes that Che the Dragon Slayer was in a battle in this area and broke his left arm when he tried to flip over a wall. Therefore, the statue with the cast reflects truthfully how he fought against the dragon. You can also find an image of this statue printed on the 3-CUC bill that foreigners use.

勇者謝在打贏了古巴革命戰爭之後，以為已經戰勝Boss級的惡龍，接受了古巴央行總裁的職位。他一家人移民到古巴，準備要生出一整個棒球隊的孩子。然而勇者謝不經意轉身一看，卻發現那惡龍卻在其他國家荼毒肆虐。然後，他再次穿上盔甲去非洲剛果幫助當地人打游擊戰。他說必須離開他的家人，但古巴革命會替他照顧他的家人。後來1967年勇者謝在玻利維亞打游擊戰被俘虜然後殺害。而古巴和卡斯楚確實替他照顧他的家人。
After Che the Dragon Slayer won the Revolutionary War, he thought the evil dragon had been slayed. He then accepted the position as the president of the National Central Bank. His family immigrated to Cuba, and he was set to pursue his dream of having a baseball team of kids. However, Che looked around the world and realized that the dragon was making people in other countries suffer. He decided to put on his armor once again to help the people in the Congo fight the dragon. He told the Cuban people that he had to leave and asked that Cuba look after his family for him. And, Fidel Castro and Cuba looked after his family indeed.

在玻利維亞，一些勇者謝招募的人員被惡龍的情報局給收買而一直洩漏他的行蹤，加上惡龍情報局收買當地的其他游擊隊來追殺他，他終於和其他游擊隊員共39人被惡龍的爪牙捕獲。下令殺他的人事後後悔說到他並沒有因為殺了勇者而變成英雄，反而臭了自己的名聲。一位在場的玻利維亞人在臨終之前透露了勇者謝被殺害埋屍的地點。一位比利時研究人員和古巴研究人員合力找到了當時已經變成機場的地址，花了約一個月時間終於挖到了39具遺骸。遺骸以英雄規格被迎接回古巴，由卡斯楚親自迎接。其場面令全國動容。

Che the Dragon Slayer was murdered while leading a guerrilla war in Bolivia.
In Bolivia, some comrades recruited by Che the Dragon Slayer were bought out by the evil dragon’s intelligence service and leaked his whereabouts. Plus, some guerrilla groups were also hired by the evil dragon to hunt him down. He and 38 other guerrilla members were captured. The officer who gave the order to execute Che the Dragon Slayer regretted his actions and mentioned later that he became notorious for executing the dragon slayer. One person present when Che and 38 members were executed revealed on his death bed the location of Che the Dragon Slayer’s burial ground. A Belgian researcher worked together with Cuban researchers and found the burial site at what had become an airport. They spent approximately one month unearthing the remains of the 39 bodies. The remains were then shipped back to Cuba and received with the nation’s highest honors by Fidel Castro. It was a heartfelt scene for the entire nation.

總而言之，這一路過關斬將的勇者謝，有著無比堅定的信念及行動力。如果勇者謝的思想可以被視為一種信仰，那麼他就是信仰中的救世主了。可惜與小說裡的結局不同的是，勇者在半途中倒下，也沒有電玩中的三條命可以回魂。然而在他倒下時所發出的巨響，卻震撼了全世界。 勇者謝身前的一張照片(在3 CUP紙鈔上）被義大利來的記者從古巴的資料庫中給取走，在歐洲媒體刊出並在世界各地造成一股旋風。各地許多嬉皮響應並認同勇者謝想要讓美洲和非洲免於惡龍控制的的革命志向。勇者謝著名的照片於是在世界各地成為了正義與勇氣的象徵。～完結~
All in all, Che the Dragon Slayer, who crossed many hurdles, had an extremely strong faith and success in carrying out his ideals. If his ideology were a religion, he would then be considered its Savior. Unfortunately, unlike happy endings in some novels, the dragon slayer bit the dust along the way. And, he didn’t have three lives either like some of the dragon-slaying video games. However, the enormous sound made by his body falling on the ground shocked the world. The photo portrait of Che Guevara on the three-CUP bill was copied by an Italian journalist and then published in some European media, which created a whirlwind across the world. Over the years following Che the Dragon Slayer’s death, many people have answered Che’s call to free Africa and Latin America from the evil dragon. Che the Dragon Slayer’s famous photo has become a symbolic icon of courage and justice.

上一篇

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#cuba #trinadad #santaClara #古巴 #哈瓦那 #旅遊 #千里達 #歷史 #無國界旅行故事

A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew

THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...

I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________

(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)

*

The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.

His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.

In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.

We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.

Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.

Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.

International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.

Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.

As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.

With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.

The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.

Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.

Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.

It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.

It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.

Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.

He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.

The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?

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SAYANG! kindly share.

Tên viết tắt của các Tổ chức Quốc tế bằng tiếng Anh (2)

· WFP - World Food Programme : Chương trình lương thực thế giới

· UNEP - United Nations Environment Programme : Chương trình liên hiệp quốc về môi trường

· UNDP, PNUD – United Nations Development Programme : Chương trình liên hiệp quốc về phát triển

· UNHCR – United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees : Cơ quan cao ủy liên hiệp quốc về người tị nạn

· WFC – World Food Council : Hội đồng lương thực thế giới

· UNCTAD – United Nations Conference on Trade and Development : Hội nghị liên hiệp quốc về thương mại và phát triển

· NUFPA – United Nations Fund for Population Activities : Quỹ hoạt động dân số Liên hiệp quốc

· UNICEF - United Nations Children's Fun : Quỹ nhi đồng Liên hiệp quốc

· UNIDO – United Nations Industrial Development Organisation : Tổ chức Liên hiệp quốc tế về phát triển nông nghiệp

· UNITAR – United Nations Institue for Training and Research : Viện đào tạo và nghiên cứu Liên hiệp quốc

· IAEA – International Atomic Energy Agency : Cơ quan năng lượng nguyên tử quốc tế

· UPU – Universal Postal Union : Liên minh bưu chính thế giới

· ITU – International Tele-communication Union : Liên minh viễn thông thế giới

· WB – World Bank : Ngân hàng thế giới

· IBRD – International Bank for Rconstruction and Development : Ngân hàng thế giới về tái thiết và phát triển

· ILO – Interational Labor Organization : Tổ chức lao động quốc tế

· IDA – International Development Assocciation : Hiệp hội phát triển quốc tế

· IFC – International Finance Corporation : Công ty tài chính quốc tế

· IFAD – International Fund for Agriculture Development : Quỹ quốc tế phát triển nông nghiệp

· IMF – International Monetary Fund : Quỹ tiền tệ quốc tế

· UNESCO – United Nations Educational, Scientific : Tổ chức liên hiệp quốc về giáo dục, khoa học và văn hóa

· FAO – Food and Agriculture Organisation : Tổ chức liên hiệp quốc về lương thực và nông nghiệp

· ICAO – International Civil Aviation Organisation : Tổ chức hàng không dân dụng quốc tế

· WMO – World Meteoro Logical Organization : Tổ chức khí tượng thế giới

· WIPO – World Intellectual Property Organization : Tổ chức thế giới về sở hữu tri thức

· WHO – World Health Organization : Tổ chức y tế thế giới

· ESCAP – United Nations Economic and Social Commision for Asia and Pacific : Ủy ban kinh tế xã hội châu Á và Thái Bình Dương

· ECWA - United Nations Economic Commision for Western Asia : Ủy ban kinh tế Tây Á

· ECLA - United Nations Economic Commision for Africa : Ủy ban kinh tế châu Phi

· ECE - United Nations Economic Commision for Latin America : Ủy ban kinh tế châu Mỹ la tinh

· EDE - United Nations Economic Commision for Europe : Ủy ban kinh tế châu Âu

· O.A.J – Organization of American States : Tổ chức các nước châu Mỹ

· BAD – Asian Development Bank : Ngân hàng phát triển châu Á

· RCTT – Regional Centre for Transfer of Technology : Trung tâm chuyển giao kĩ thuật của khu vực

· TC – Typhoon Committee : Ủy ban bão

· INTERCOSMOS – Intercosmos : Chương trình hợp tác nhiều mặt trong lĩnh vực nghiên cứu vũ trụ

· W.C.C – World Council of Churches : Hội đồng nhà thờ thế giới

· OPEC – Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries : Tổ chức các nước xuất khẩu dầu mỏ

· EEC – European Ecomomic Community : Khối thị trường chung châu Âu

· N.A.T.O – North Atlantic Treaty Organization : Khối Bắc Đại Tây Dương

· O.A.U – Organization of African Unity : Tố chức thống nhất châu Phi

· O.E.C.D – Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development : Tổ chức hợp tác kinh tế và phát triển

· S.W.A.P.O – South West Africa People's Organization : Tổ chức nhân dân Tây Nam Phi

· M.F.N.Status – Most Favored Nation Status : Quy chế nước được ưu đãi nhất

. P.L.O – Palestinian Liberation Organization : Tổ chức giải phóng Palestin

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