關於 against用法 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

sociopath!
俐媽之前教了這個字，
竟然有同學可以在歌詞中找到它！
太厲害啦😃

這首歌Good 4 U (發音為good for you)，
由Olivia Rodrigo演唱，
對於前男友的變心，
她唱出了憤怒和酸楚，
有新女友了是不是？
Good 4 U!

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🎤 俐媽英文歌曲—Good 4 U篇：
💔 a couple of Ns 一些⋯
💔 therapist (n.) 心理治療師
💔 brand-new (a.) 全新的

💔 I wish that I could do that. 其中的wish表示「但願」，「我真但願我可以那樣做」，即暗示無法做到。因此wish要接假設語氣(subjunctive mood)，而與現在事實相反，要使用過去式，因此這裡用過去式助動詞could。
🔆 EEC孩子，這禮拜我們的課程就是要教hope vs. wish的用法喔😉

💔 lose one’s mind 發狂；失去理智
💔 unaffected (a.) 不被影響的
—> affect (v.) 影響
💔 career (n.) 事業
💔 take off 起飛；成功
💔 swear (v.) 發誓(-swore-sworn)
💔 emotional (a.) 情緒化的
💔 rub salt in the wound 傷口上撒鹽
💔 apathy (n.) 無感
💔 sociopath (n.) 反社會人格的人；不愛交際的人

🆙 字表的最後兩個字，又可以幫俐媽帶出一個常見字根: path

😞 path: feeling 感覺；suffering痛苦；disease 疾病 😞

* apathy (n.) 冷漠無感(a-: no)
* antipathy (n.) 反感(anti-: against)
* empathy (n.) 同理心(em-, en-: in)
* sympathy (n.) 同情心(sym-, syn-: the same)
* telepathy (n.) 心電感應(tele-: faraway)
* pathetic (a.)可悲的
* sociopath (n.) 反社會人格的人；不愛交際的人(soci-: companion, join)
* pathology (n.) 病原學(-ology: study)
* neurology (n.) 神經系疾病(neuro-: nerve)
* psychopathy (n.) 精神錯亂(psycho-: mind)

——————————————————————-
要跟我分手❗️
敢對我無縫接軌了⁉️

Yeah~yeah~yeah~
Good 4 U‼️‼️‼️‼️‼️

#俐媽英文歌曲
#俐媽英文歌曲good4U
#俐媽英文教室
#俐媽英文教室字根字首字尾篇
#俐媽英文教室字根字首字尾篇path
#oliviarodrigo #good4u
#台大明明is good for you

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

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「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
patreon.com/raphaelwong
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

本篇文章是個經驗談，作者想要聊聊是如何將一個 4vCPU 的VM給調整到可以達到每秒處理 1.2M(120萬)個 JSON Reuqest，本篇文章非常的長，所以會分多天來介紹。

整篇文章探討的是各種 turning 的步驟，來聊聊如何從最初每秒 224k(22萬四千) 給調整到每秒 1.2M 的處理能力。

整個過程分成九大步驟，後面同時標示每個過程後的每秒請求能力
1. Application Optimizations (347k)
2. Speculative Execution Migtigations (446k)
3. Syscall Auditing/Blocking (495k)
4. Disabling iptables/netfilter (603k)
5. Perfect Locality (834k)
6. Interrypt Optimizations (1.06M)
7. The Case of the Nosy Neighbor (1.12M)
8. The Battle Against the Spin Lock (1.15M)
9. This Gost to Twelv (1.20M)

作者強調，上述的過程不一定適合你的應用程式，但是透過這些步驟能夠讓你更佳瞭解應用程式的運作行為，同時也有機會發現一些潛在的瓶頸問題。

環境介紹
1. 團隊使用 Techempower 來進行 JSON Serialization 的測試
2. 使用 libreactor(event-driven框架) 來搭建一個簡單的 API Server
3. HTTP 的解析使用 picohttpparser，同時使用 libclo 來處理 JSON 的編碼
4. 硬體環境
- Server: 4 vCPU, c5n.xlarge AWS VM
- Client: 16 vCPU, c5n.4xlarge AWS VM (clinet太弱會變成瓶頸)
- Network: Server/Client 屬於同一個可用區域(AZ)
5. 軟體環境
- 作業系統: Amazon Linux2 (Kernel 4.14)
- Server: 使用 libreactor (使用不同版本，分別是 Round18 以及 Round20)
- Client: 修改 wrk 這個知名的工具並重新命名為 twrk，詳細差異自己看文章內部，主要都跟顯示有關
6. 實驗方式
- 每個測試跑三次，取中間值
- 256 連線，16 threads，同時每個 thread 都會 pin 到一個固定的 CPU
- 每個實驗都有兩秒的暖機時間來建立連線


Ground Zero
第一個要探討的就是什麼最佳化都還沒有使用前，到底當前應用程式可能的瓶頸在哪裏
首先團隊將該應用程式與其他常見的應用程式或是開發框架比較，譬如 Netty, Nginx, Actix, aspcore 等， libreactor 的效能不錯，有中上水準。

接者作者使用火焰圖(Flame Graphs)來 Profile 該伺服器，作者很好心地將文章中所有的火焰圖都調整了一下，讓所有的 user-space 相關的 function call 都轉成藍色，而剩下跟 kernel 相關都維持紅色。
1. 大部分的時間都在 Kernel 處理
2. 主要是花費在收封包與送封包
3. 應用程式本身主要是分兩大部分，解析 HTTP 的封包以及處理請求與回應。
從上述兩點來看，作者認為目前的應用程式寫得算不錯，因為瓶頸很明顯是卡在 Kernel 端

接下來就正式進入到各種 Turning 的章節探討

Application Optimizations

長話短說:
- 作者基於 libreactor Round18 的框架進行修改，並且所有的修改都已經被合併到 Round20 的版本中，而這些修改主要是實作方面的強化以及整個框架的最佳化。

1. 作者首先透過 htop 觀察運行過程，發現 Server 只有使用 2vCPU 而已(系統有 4vCPU)，因此這是作者進行的第一個修改，讓 Server 使用了 4vCPU，這個簡單調整就讓效能提升 25%

註: 作者特別強調，不要覺得從 2vCPU 變成 4vCPU 效能就可以變成兩倍，主要是1) 沒有使用的 vCPU 還有很多其他的工作要處理，因此不是完全都送給你應用程式處理。2)基於 hypter-thread vCPU 的架構，環境只有兩個真正的 CPU 而是透過邏輯的方式產生四個抽象的 CPU，所以全用一定會變快，但是基於很多資源還是要競爭與共用，數字不是單純翻倍

2. 作者自己的應用程式本身使用 gcc 建置時有使用 "-o3" 的方式來最佳化處理，然而框架本身卻沒有使用 "-o3" 的方式來弄，因此作者也針對這個部分來處理，讓建制框架時能夠使用 -o3
3. 從實作方面來看，作者觀察到 libreactor 1.0 版本使用的是 read/write 這兩個常見的方式來處理封包的送收，作者將其修改成 recv/send 整個效能就提升了將近 10%。

註: write(針對 FD，更全面廣泛的用法) 與 send(針對 Socket，更針對的用法) 使用上差異不大，但是 write 於底層 Kernel 最終還是會呼叫到 send 來處理，所以基本上可以理解就是在沒有特別參數需求時，可以直接跳過幾個 kernel function 來達到加速的效果。

write kernel 內的走向: sys_write -> vfs_write -> __vfs_write -> sock_write_iter -> sock_sendmsg

send kernel 內的走向: sendto -> sock_sendmsg

4. 作者觀察到火焰圖中有一些 pthread 相關的資料，進而發現 libreactor 會創造一個 thread pool 來處理非同步的 DNS 名稱解析問題。對於一個 HTTP Client 來說，如果今天要發送請求到多個不同的 domain，而每個 domain 都會需要進行一個 blocking 的解析過程，透過這種方式可以減少 DNS 解析造成的 blocking 問題。然而對於 HTTP Server 來說，這個使用情境帶來的效益似乎就稍微低了些，畢竟 Server 只有 Bind Socket 之前可能會需要去解析一次 DNS 而已。
大部分的情境下， thread pool 都是應用程式初期會去創造而接者就不太會管她，但是對於錙銖必較的效能除錯人來說，任何能夠調整的部分都可能是個值得探討的地方。
作者透過修改 Server 端(準確來說是 libreactor 框架內的程式碼)關於 Thread Pool 的一些用法，成長的讓整個效能提升了 2~3%

結論來說，透過上述四個概念來提升的程式碼效能。
1. vCPU 盡量使用: 25%-27%
2. 使用 gcc -O3 來建置框架的程式碼: 5%-10%
3. 使用 march=native 等參數來建置最後的 server 應用程式: 5%-10%
4. 使用 send/recv 而非 write/read: 5%-10%
5. 修改 pthread 的用法: 2%-3%

註: 作者強調每個最佳化的結果並非是單純累積的概念，反而還會有互補的效果。
可能前述的操作實際上也會讓後續的操作達到更好的效果，
譬如如果先跑 vCPU 的調整，效能大概提升 25%，但是如果先執行別的最佳化過程，最後再來調整 vCPU，就可以達到 40% 的效果，主要是 CPU 可以共有效率的去執行程式。

最後，這個部分讓整個處理封包能力從 224k 提升了 55% 到 347k (req/s)。
從火焰圖來看，整個 user-space 的範圍縮小許多，同時 send/recv 的處理也有使得整體的高度下降一點點(大概四格..)

為了避免文章過長，本篇文章就探討第一個最佳化的過程，剩下的就敬請期待後續!

https://talawah.io/blog/extreme-http-performance-tuning-one-point-two-million/

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