Summer is around the corner! Don’t regret not preparing for the beach ahead of time!
暑假快來嘍!不要後悔自己沒有提早準備海邊的身材喔!⚠️中文部分都在下面圖片上⚠️
🔹1 on 1 personal trainer opening spot currently open🔹一對一教練有空位上課了
⚠️Currently have morning spots available only from 7:00am to 08:30am on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday morning ⚠️禮拜二,四跟六現在都有空在早上07:00-08:30。有興趣密我一下我們看看時間能不能幫你調整一下
Only looking for serious people looking to change their physique. 我主要的是認真要訓練的人。這不是一個服務,這是一個教學。我不是為了你們舒服有人聊天過時間,我是為了你們目標為止需求的。
I won’t make everyone train like they’re getting ready for a contest, however, I will approach and personalize everyone’s personal goals specifically to their needs. Location is in Taipei city or New Taipei City不需要跟我一樣要準備比賽的態度一樣那麼硬。但你們需要了解這是需要中心,耐心,努力,認真的態度才能夠改變自己的體態。我會看著你們本人的需求做成你們課程內容
Clientele I will not be taking stated below: ⬇️
I handpick clients. Space is limited. If you’re mot serious about the commitment please do not message me! Thank you! 下面有寫我正在找的學生需求
🔹No unstable working time professionals who will swap time schedules
如果你時間不穩定的話,無法正常來上課,這個課程不適合你
🔹 No college kids, don’t need to hear about why you can’t come to class: midterms, money, part time job, studying, etc. 不要大學生,我不想一直聽到一些理由跟我說你們為什麼不能來上課,期中考,錢不夠,讀書準備考試。要負責任這些事情才可以處理生活其他部分。
🔹Don’t sign up if you’re afraid of being sore, tired or getting sweaty. This isn’t for me, it’s for you. Understand it’s tasking to change your body. 如果你怕酸痛,怕流汗,怕累,怕訓練到疲勞,這個課程不適合你。
🔹Don’t complain about which exercises, sets and or reps I tell you to do. If something is painful/discomfort, obviously I’ll change it, but I’m talking purely about arguing against the workouts because they’re hard. 不要抱怨跟我說那些運動動作太難,太累,不好做等等。本來改變不是簡單拿到的,一定會這樣。如果說你做到很不舒服因為關節痛,肌肉有問題或者遇到姿勢不對,一定要跟我說我才能幫你們改。
🔹No short term clientele: minimum 20 classes at a time ~ 2 or 3 classes per week at minimum. Anything less than that and you’re not getting benefit. 不要短期學生。至少要20堂課,一個禮拜必須要至少上2~3堂課才能有效果。少於2堂課你已經不用再來了。太少沒有用。
🔹If you’re unwilling to change diet, fix alcohol consumption or your sleep schedule to fit your goals, then this course isn’t for you. 如果不願意借酒,改變飲食習慣,睡眠,健康程度的話這也不適合你。你需要能夠想要把自己變好,有中心在健康想法範圍內才會有進步。要能夠接受這些改變才會變成更好。
🔹I don’t sell bullshit, I sell results. Tracking will be a thing. 我不是賣爛的教學。我賣的教學會有效果。記得我無法24/7跟你們本人在一起。時間陪我只有一次一個小時,其他時間必須要負責任,外面訓練完亂吃,亂喝,不認真做心肺鼓勵下去不能怪我說我什麼都不會教課因為你自己不認真不是我的問題。你們自己需要有負責任在課程之外時間控制自己。我會紀錄進步速度還有我們上課運動的內容計畫一下長期時間的訓練課程。
Leggo
around the corner from中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
around the corner from中文 在 Jay的跑步筆記 Facebook 的最佳解答
“You wrote a book? Who's going to read it?" When asked by the 3-time U.S. Olympic Team Trials qualifier, Caitlin, I was speechless for a moment.
I met Caitlin (well, she caught me on the trail) back in 2016 when I was running 2:45~2:50 marathons, making me an absolutely perfect training partner for her. She was way faster than I was during that time, and I literally learned the race "Olympic Trials" from her. If you listen to how she described the race, you almost think it's just another Boston Marathon.
"Yeah I ran it in 2012, and I qualified again." Caitlin called herself a sub-elite runner, making me wondering if I can call myself as a sub-sub-sub-elite?
Anyway, in 2019 she ran Boston with 2:40:27, making her 3rd qualifier in 8 years. After Boston I got to take a long rest because she also did the same, until 2020 Olympic Trials is around the corner.
"Hey Jay, you wanna run tomorrow?"
"Hey Jay, what's your workout next week?"
"Jay, you got to train with me!"
It's been 2 big training cycles for me in 2019, and I was way too tired to start anything soon. With the daily greeting from her, I can't do anything but reply "But I might be too slow for you now" - which is totally the truth. I was also sick and sidelined for 2 weeks.
Being able to put some really nice training in the past few weeks, I finally feel like I can take her challenge again, so say yes to her next workout. Little did I know during the time I was resting and recovering, she did not settle and now is almost at her peak state.
Today's 3*3 miles on slightly rolling I made several attempts to break through, but she all caught me with ease. When we finally finished the workout, I was pretty happy about it.
"How do you feel?" I asked.
"Not really trying too hard." She answered.
Now I am heading back to Taiwan for a short vacation. But once I come back, Caitlin will be there waiting, and probably planning for something brutal again.
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「嘿!為什麼你出了一本書啊,誰在看?」面對下個月即將要第三度參加奧運選拔賽*,橫跨 12 年的業餘菁英女子選手凱特琳的質問,我一時語塞。
*美國的奧運選拔賽標準採取的是 2016 年的舊制,也就是女子 2:45, 男子 2:19 以內可以報名。對於她來說,參加的實質意義大於真正勝出(畢竟職業組的實力強上一個級別),不過也是難得可以跟全美的菁英較勁的機會。
我跟她相識早在 2016 年,就是那個我跑在 2:45-2:50 之間,看起來很適合陪她練的時期,當然,那時候她的實力是遠遠高出我一截的。我也是從她口中才得知,有「奧運選拔賽」這種事,而她敘述的態度,就跟一般人跑波士頓馬拉松一樣正常。
「喔對呀,我跑過。嗯,今年我也合格了。」她把自己稱為「#業餘次菁英」,這樣的人在美國拉拉雜雜也是有幾十、一百個。嗚,我突然間覺得把自己稱為次菁英有點過頭了,有沒有機會改成 #次次次菁英 呢?
總而言之,在 2019 年她在波士頓馬拉松跑出 2:40:27, 連續三屆橫跨 8 年達標。在那之後我得以好好休息了很長一段時間,直到⋯⋯2020 奧運選拔賽就在眼前了。
「Jay,你明天練什麼?」
「Jay,你下禮拜練什麼?」
「Jay,陪我練!」
去年經歷了兩個大週期,我真是累到爆,只想好好躺著。面對她連珠炮式的追問,我只好說「誒⋯⋯我怕我跟不上你」(事實上也是真的),不幸中的大幸是這段過程中我還真的病了一場,所以順理成章躺了兩週。
過了幾週的訓練、恢復,我覺得現在準備好可以開始訓練了,於是答應了她今天的 workout.⋯⋯卻忘了我在休息的時候,她可沒閒著。她 PEAK 了!
今天的 3*4800m 跑在起伏步道上,我幾次試圖加速都被她臉不紅氣不喘的抓回來。但是最後完成了整組 workout, 我實在太滿意了!
「你感覺怎麼樣?」我問。
「呃,沒太用力,輕鬆?」她說。
下個月底她即將前往亞特蘭大參加選拔賽,而我只慶幸我可以先回台灣喘個一週,雖然到時候迎接我的,一定是更強的她⋯⋯。
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P.S. 這篇文是她逼我寫的 (by只敢用中文偷偷抱怨的Me)
P.S.S. 有沒有人想學英文作文了?
around the corner from中文 在 『around the corner』是什麼意思? ... - 每日一句學英文- Daily ... 的推薦與評價
『around the corner』是什麼意思? ⭕ 不遠,就在附近;即將來臨 e.g., There's a great restaurant just around the corner. ... <看更多>