關於 be kind of用法 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

八月詞彙挑戰（十）主題：住屋 文字專欄：What type of housing would you like to go for? What kind of flat would you like to live in?

Condo 就是公寓/別墅，通常叫condo都是很豪華漂亮的，大家可以想像比華利山上面一排的豪華公寓。其實要理解condo是什麼不是那麼簡單，大家還是透過網上的圖片和影片比較容易理解，要了解美國和英國的房屋情況，建議看看以下這一條片：

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DOYu7DSr0To&ab_channel=Joel%26Lia

有些人非常羨慕名人，因為他們可以住大屋。你也喜歡名人住的大屋嗎？你會羨慕他們嗎？Do you envy celebrities for being able to live in beautiful houses?

如果你和我一樣喜歡看美麗的屋，你可以看看我的這一條影片：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0MQL6EZU7bo&t=42s&ab_channel=%E8%88%87%E8%8A%AC%E5%B0%BC%E5%AD%B8%E8%8B%B1%E8%AA%9ETiffanyteachesEnglish

Villa 在香港比較多人認識這個字, villa就是別墅，能叫villa一定是獨立屋。

你相信風水嗎？According to Feng Shui principles, the door of the bathroom shouldn’t be facing the door of an apartment. （根據風水原則，廁所門不應該對著一個單位的門口。）Feng Shui這個phrase在英語裡面是外來的字詞（loan word），很多香港人會就這樣說Feng Shui，而忘記了說principles這個字。

要睇我用文字專欄形式解釋vocab，重溫唔同英文vocab嘅用法，記住黎緊九月二號訂閱Patreon Tier 3！：）

https://www.patreon.com/posts/55005671

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

——————————————————
「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
patreon.com/raphaelwong
—————————————————

胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

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「Mean」の用法に柔軟性を！
=================================
　
Meanは「意味」や「意味する」だけではなく、ネイティブは他にも様々な意味合いとして使っているのはお気づきですか？普段の会話で、誰しもがよく口にする台詞の中に、実はmeanはよく潜んでいるんです。
　
　
--------------------------------------------------
1) You are so mean!
→「意地悪！」
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意地悪な人、卑怯な人、不親切な人のことをMeanで表すことができます。性格的な意地悪さを表す場合だけでなく、相手をからかったり、いたずらするなど一時的に意地悪な言動を取る場合にも使われます。後者の場合、「You are so mean」と言うと、冗談っぽい響きになります。
　
✔普段優しい人が失礼な態度をとったり、不親切なことをした場合は、「You are being mean」と言う。（Beingの用法については、「He is nice」と「He is being nice」の違い 　https://hapaeikaiwa.com/?p=6905 を参照。）
　
＜例文＞
　
My boss is rude and mean. I can't stand him.
（私の上司って失礼で意地悪なんだよね。やってられないよ。）
　
Are you making fun of my height? You are so mean!
（私の身長をからかっているの？意地悪！）
　
Why are you being so mean to him?
（なんで彼にそんな意地悪するの？）
　
　
--------------------------------------------------
2) I mean _____.
→「つまり / だって / じゃなくて」
--------------------------------------------------
　
この用法は、ネイティブが日常会話で頻繁に口にする表現で、基本的には２つの役割があります。１つは、内容を言い換えたり言い直したりする時の「つまり」や「だって」。もう１つは、言い間違えたことを訂正する時の「というか」や「そうじゃなくて」に相当します。
　
✔相手に「つまり〜ってこと？」と聞き返す場合、「You mean _____?」と言う。
　
＜例文＞
　
Why should I apologize? I mean, it's not my fault.
（なんで私が謝らなきゃならないの？私のせいじゃないのに。）
　
You mean, you can't make it tonight?
（つまり、今夜来れないってこと？）
　
We're meeting at 7pm...I mean 8pm tonight.
（今夜、７時…じゃなくて8時集合ね。）
　
　
--------------------------------------------------
3) What do you mean?
→「どういうこと？」
--------------------------------------------------
　
「What do you mean?」は、知らない単語や表現の意味を尋ねているのではなく、相手の意図がよく分からなかったり、もっと具体的に説明してほしい時に使う表現です。例えば、結婚を予定していた友達が「I broke up with my girlfriend.（彼女と別れたんだ）」と言ってきたら、「What do you mean? I thought you were going to propose to her next month.（どういうこと？来月、彼女にプロポーズするんじゃなかったの？）」という具合に使います。

また、相手の発言に衝撃を受けたり、ムカッとした気持ちを示す場合にも使われます。例えば、グループプレゼンの当日、メンバーの1人がプレゼン用の資料を家に忘れてきて、「What do you mean you forgot to bring the handouts? Go back and get it right now!（資料を忘れたってどういうこと？今すぐ取りに行ってよ！）」と言うことで、怒りの気持ちが相手に伝わります。
　
✔「私の言いたいこと分かる？」は「Do you know/see what I’m mean」と表現するが、日常会話ではDoを省いて「You know what mean?」と言うのが一般的。
　
✔相手の意向や気持ちを理解したことを伝える場合は「I know/see what you mean.（君の言いたいことは分かるよ）」と表現する。
　
＜例文＞
　
What do you mean? Are you saying that she lied to you?
（どういうこと？彼女が嘘をついたって言いたいの？）
　
What do you mean you lost my iPad?
（私のiPad失くしたって一体どういうこと？）
　
He doesn't understand it takes a lot of hard work to become successful. You know what I mean?
（成功するためには一生懸命やる必要があることを彼は分かっていないんだよね。私の言いたいこと分かるでしょう？）
　
　
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4) I didn't mean (to) _____.
→「〜するつもりはなかった」
--------------------------------------------------
　
そんなつもりはなかったのに相手を傷つけてしまった、混乱させてしまった、迷惑をかけてしまった・・・という場合の「そんなつもりはなかった」、「～のつもりではなかった」に相当する表現です。結果として相手に不快な思いをさせてしまったが、最初からそうしたいと思っていたわけではないということが強調され、後悔の気持ちが含まれるのがポイントです。
　
✔一般的にはI didn’t mean toの後に動詞がフォローするが、「I didn’t mean it（そんなつもりではなかった）」、「I didn’t mean any harm.（悪気はなかった）」、「I didn’t mean for this to happen.（これはわざとではない）」という言い方もある。
　
＜例文＞
　
I didn't mean to hurt your feelings. I'm sorry.
（君を傷つけるつもりはなかったんだ。ごめん。）
　
I didn't mean to leave you out.
（仲間外れにするつもりはなかったんだ。）
　
I was just joking. I didn't mean any harm.
（冗談だよ。悪気はなかったんだ。）
　
　
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5) I mean it.
→「本気だ / 本心だ」
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冗談やはったりで言っているのではなく、本当のこと、本心であることを主張する時に「I mean it.」と言います。特に、自分の言ったことを相手が真剣に受け止めてくれなかった時などに使われます。例えば「いつかプロ野球選手になる！」と言って友達にバカにされたら、「I mean it!（本気で言っているんだよ！）」と言うことで本気であることが伝わります。
　
✔逆に「本心ではなかった」と言うなら「I didn’t mean what I said」。
　
＜例文＞
　
You think I'm joking? I mean it. I'm going to be a famous comedian one day.
（冗談だと思っているの？本気だよ。いつか絶対に有名なコメディアンになるから！）
　
I mean it. I really think that haircut looks good on you.
（本当だよ。その髪型似合っているよ。）
　
Do you mean it? Are you really going to run a marathon with me?
（本気なの？本当に一緒にマラソンを走ってくれるの？）
　
　
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6) That means a lot.
→「あなたにそう言ってもらえると嬉しいです」
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物事に個人的な思い入れがあったり、特別な感情を抱いていること、または（尊敬する人からの）褒め言葉をありがたく思う気持ちを示す場合にもMeanが使われます。
　
＜例文＞
　
Thanks for your kind words. It means a lot to me.
（心のこもった言葉をかけていただき、ありがとうございます。あなたにそう言っていただけるのは光栄です。）
　
This watch may have no value but it means a lot to me. It was passed down from my grandfather.
（この腕時計に価値はないかもしれませんが、私にとってはかけがえのない宝物なのです。祖父から譲り受けた物なので。）
　
I understand that you are busy but it would mean a lot if you could show up to my graduation tomorrow.
（忙しいのは重々承知していますが、明日の卒業式に来てくれたら嬉しいです。）
　
　
　
　
　
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他是法國人。他卜卦看風水，也拜關公。
18歲那年賴旭立學太極拳，打開了通往世界彼端的入口。他相信因果，也舉香拜拜。他努力讀艱澀的中文命理書籍，寫筆記，一字一句學.... 
從他自法國飄洋過海的故事，看見生命的熱情與堅持。
看更多閱讀光影：https://reurl.cc/vDNzDa

誠品以「閱讀光影」為引，誠心記錄生活實踐者的吉光片羽。 每月一支短片，每支一種觀點，用品一盞茶的時光，交換一次心靈探索的鳴響。

#FrançaisdeTaiwan #閱讀 #月讀一冊 #誠品閱讀光影
#每個人都是一本大書 #每個生命皆是一項創作

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"There's a kind of reading that exists in in and around life; it consists of sections and paragraphs that cannot be found in books, and it springs from the people that appear in life."—Eslite Founder Robert Wu.
The book of life can never be finished, and each punctuation mark is a moment in human life. Each paragraph and section represents a transition in time.
Eslite is now crossing over into the audiovisual content channel for the first time. Taking "reading light and shadow" as a appeal, we are sincerely recording fragments of practicers of life, and hope that those heart-warming everyday stories will be our landscape poetry.
Each month, one short film; each film, a perspective; and each the time of a cup of tea, transformed into the sound of a spiritual journey of exploration.


誠品閱讀光影 II _ 易經卜卦紫微斗數學習者 賴旭立

原名 Christophe Clerc 的賴旭立，出生於法國的香檳區Reims。來台定居前曾在法國華碩擔任業務經理。與台灣太太結婚後，放下高薪工作，隨太太來台定居。

青少年時期因為學習太極拳從老師那邊得知“易經”，來到了台灣，終於有機會拜師深入學習易經。 艱深的命理書籍，他用法文在上面記了密密麻麻的筆記，艱深難懂的紫微斗數、陽宅學，他看的津津有味，偶而還會幫人算八字。

易經卦象往往是艱澀的古文，對外國人來說更是難上加難，賴旭立笑說，看到台灣國中生在公車上背單字卡給他靈感，於是自製「64卦小卡」，平時通勤時背誦，非常有效果。

篤信風水的他，自己也身體力行，初一、十五必定吃素。每天都會抽空到廟裡靜坐，平常在生活中遇到一些難解的事都會直接擲茭問關帝君。

學風水要出師的道路漫長，賴旭立不著急。他說，學成後希望能回到法國，傳達真正的風水概念，但在這之前還有許多要學的，下一個目標就是學習奇門遁甲。