2021.09.06(一)
單元 12 - 小豬🐷
熊頭型結構、三泡結身、豬頭延伸變化
在街頭上或是現場折氣球時
我最常折的是這種版本的小豬
因為蠻快也蠻可愛的
作為這個單元的延伸
我總結了前面的單元中出現過的頭形結構
分析豬頭還有哪三種製作方式
不管用哪一種方式製作豬頭其實都蠻可愛的
差別只在於說在分秒必爭的情況下
夠不夠時間折一款還沒練熟的款式?
又或者說這個款式已經練熟了
但是已經知道這時間沒辦法再更快了
那麼究竟要為了更可愛的款式而犧牲時間
還是要為了時間犧牲更可愛的款式
就要取決於當下的臨場反應了
話說最近這幾篇十二生肖的貼文發下來
發現 FB 粉專和 IG 完全是個不同的生態
當我用的是 FB 粉專發文
觸及率是一篇比一篇掉下去
觸及數據甚至變成了 -1.4X
在想也許是跟作品的難易程度有關係
過於簡單的作品讓人沒有按讚的渴望
因此單一張的十二生肖作品一字排開在桌上的照片
或許會比較一張張發文的成效好一些
不過就算成效差
我也蠻喜歡在該篇貼文裡寫下一些生活記事
有的時候我是邊寫邊笑出來
想像有人看著我的文字也笑出來
這時亘亘就會來我旁邊說
「你打字的時候可以不要一直笑嗎?很白痴耶!」
而在 IG 發文的話
似乎因為單一貼文的數張圖片裡
只會顯示第一張的最精選的照片
讓個人 IG 主頁面的圖片排版精美好看
從上滑下來會讓人覺得賞心悅目
而近期貼文又有主題性
也因此漲了不少粉絲
(絕大多數還是外國人為主)
最近 IG 那裡因為數篇貼文連發
撈到了兩個美國人報名了十二生肖的課
正所謂氣球無國界
雖然他們聽不懂中文不過看得懂動作和畫面
搭配上 Google 頁面自動將 CC 字幕翻譯成英文的功能
我想他們日後也能學習順利吧?
過去有將成為國際氣球講師當作人生目標之一
因此有去過日本用日文教人折編織小鯨魚、
也用過日文教人折獨角仙
去年也用英文在 Qualatex Q Corner 的直播頻道上教梅爾圓環
希望未來疫情正式解封後也有機會去其他國家闖蕩
以後打算多用觀看英文的氣球教學頻道的方式
學習更多用英文表達氣球流程步驟的文法單字語句
練習英文寫作與口說有備而無患
讓機會留給準備好的我
今天要來開拍精緻氣球篇的神龍
這次預計是四個工作天內把神龍單元殺青
剛好五六日都有 case
得把份內工作做完我才有餘力做其他事呢~
#BalloonArt #造型氣球 #バルーンアート
#豬 #小豬 #Pig #Piggy #豚 #ぶた
#氣球達人宋俊霖的十二生肖造型氣球課
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過6萬的網紅KARMAN,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Comes with 3 minutes of extra footage (waterproof and oil proof test!) at the end of the review! Do they live up to the claims? 已經加了中文字幕, 請開CC來享用三個小時的...
「corner case中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於corner case中文 在 氣球達人 宋俊霖 Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於corner case中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於corner case中文 在 每天為你讀一首詩 Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於corner case中文 在 KARMAN Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於corner case中文 在 Rounded corner for textview in android - Stack Overflow 的評價
- 關於corner case中文 在 彭佳慧Julia Peng - You Are the One - YouTube 的評價
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corner case中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
corner case中文 在 每天為你讀一首詩 Facebook 的最佳解答
異性戀之內:非人力資源記事 ◎黃裕邦
諷刺的是,我靠數算暗角度日。
浴缸滲水的彎角,蜘蛛網
旁邊的楔子。我依靠它們。
的確耐人尋味,升降機只效忠
垂直之物。告示說
如遇升降機生命故障,
請按此掣。放開後即可通話——
我養的寵物蛾,日出時拆出
翅膀,牠用扭曲的腳
匍匐爬行,從中得到安慰。
我不冷,我穿船襪。我那些跨過
門檻、邊境、心靈的鞋子
藏在室內,跟羞恥一樣,聞起來
新鮮有如刺身。叫我死基佬吧,
反正我不會游泳。我的炮仗花
向橫生長,向眾多溺水的章魚
反肚。我的德國紀念品說
「Glück」,但值得紀念的時刻往往過於龐大
不能框住。我想簡簡單單,細節卻越來越多。
戀物不過就是細節。請給我AA電池,
我在光天化日下帶著手電筒四處走
--
◎作者簡介
黃裕邦(Nicholas Wong)
2016年憑藉英語詩集《Crevasse》奪得美國LGBTQ文學獎——Lambda Literary Awards 男同志詩歌組別首獎,同年榮獲香港藝術發展獎藝術新秀獎(文學藝術)
◎譯者簡介
徐晞文,香港中文大學翻譯系畢業,自由譯者,曾獲青年文學獎翻譯公開組亞軍、香港中文文學創作獎文學評論組優異獎
--
◎小編李昱賢賞析
壓迫從不會發生在光天化日之下
而是深埋社會當中
這首詩出自黃裕邦的《天裂》,而這本書是黃裕邦為自己於2016年出版的英詩作品《Crevasse》所出的翻譯版本,而這首詩即是譯自其中〈Inside Heterosexuality: Notes on Non-Human Resources〉詩題將社會裡的人做劃分,點出了詩的主旨是在探討相對主流性向的同性戀在社會中的地位、所承受目光、使用資源的「權力」等,而原文詩題使用的是更激烈的「非人類資源記事」。
由於黃裕邦為香港人,母語為粵語,因此詩中也不乏粵語的思維和語法。在粵語中會以「彎」、「曲」去對比「直」、「正常」以分別代表同志和異性戀,因此詩人在頭兩段即藉由這樣的意象玩了文字遊戲,也在其他段落有類似的運用。「浴缸滲水的彎角,蜘蛛網/旁邊的楔子。我依靠它們」對比彎角,楔子是相對筆直的物品,說明在社會中同性戀在許多層面仍需要依靠異性戀,無論是在認同上或是基本權利上。
至於第二段,表面上升降機正常運作是常識,詩人在此將升降機(lift)與生命(life)做連結,藉由敘述升降機由於物理性的原則只效忠垂直的升降操作,嘲諷社會上的資源只為異性戀來服務,而並無考慮到其他的生命。
敘述遞進,詩人也繼續使用「扭曲的腳」、「船襪」、「向橫生長」等延續對比垂直、正常之物的彎曲意象。
來到詩的尾聲,「我在光天化日下帶著手電筒四處走」的原文為「I carry a torch in broad daylight.」,「carry a torch」指的是單相思的愛戀狀態,翻譯下來即為我在廣闊的日光下單戀。說明了詩人期待有一天同志能不用在意社會的眼光,在光天化日下能不必畏畏縮縮的戀愛。
全詩在句式上非常特別,以一段三行、斷句零散的方式貫穿整首詩。內容直白而真摯,詩人藉由描繪直與彎的兩種意象代指同志在社會中的處境,也在末尾提出了其感性的呼告,希望喚起這個異性戀主體的社會去重視其他多元傾向的生命和權利。
*
由於《天裂》一書為原文作品的翻譯出版,因此有些文字運用上在為了不失真的情況下會異於中文常見語法,需要拐個彎才能了解意思。我推薦大家去閱讀原文的版本,除了更深入的瞭解這首詩的內容,以不同的語言閱讀時也會有不同感受,謹在此附上這首的原文版
〈Inside Heterosexuality: Notes on Non-Human Resources〉
Irony is I count corner to survive.
Leaking turns of a tub, a door
wedge near a cobweb. I count on them.
How interesting lifts are faithful
only to the vertical. A sign says
In case of lift life breakdown,
press the button. Release. Speak—
My pet moth dismantles its wings
at dawn, it has found comfort
crawling on it's crooked feet.
I am warm, I wear low-cut socks. My shoes
to cross thresholds, borders, and minds
are kept indoors, like shame, which smells
fresh, like sashimi. Call me faggot
I cannot swim anyway, my firecracker
vines grow sideways like drowning octopi
upside down. My German memento says
Glück, but moments always are too big
to be framed. I want simple, but details begin.
Fetishes are simply details. Give me AA batteries.
I carry a torch in broad daylight.
--
美術設計:靖涵/Instagram:c__nh_n
https://cendalirit.blogspot.com/2019/04/20190430.html
#黃裕邦 #外文詩 #翻譯詩 #同志 #異性戀 #社會資源 #每天為你讀一首詩
corner case中文 在 KARMAN Youtube 的最佳解答
Comes with 3 minutes of extra footage (waterproof and oil proof test!) at the end of the review! Do they live up to the claims? 已經加了中文字幕, 請開CC來享用三個小時的心血, 謝謝~
v v FOR MORE INFO v v
Not sure if I need to put this disclaimer out, but I'd better just in case. These eyeliners were sent to me by Tosowoong for testing purposes and reviews. For a full disclaimer, check out my blog entry.
TIMESTAMPS==============================
For those who're running short of time ;)
Product introduction: 0:40
Product claims and description: 1:30
Season 1 swatches: 2:25
Season 3 swatches: 3:06
Budge proof test: 3:48
Application of eyeliners: 4:24
First impression after application: 7:23
First update 4 hours later: 7:46
Second update 7.5 hours later: 8:31
Reviewing the claims: 9:22
What I like about the product: 10:20
Things that the product can be improved upon: 11:06
Extra footage:
Waterproof test: 13.49
Oil proof test: 14:18
LINKS THAT MAY INTEREST YOU===============
All prices stated exclusive of shipping.
Oil proof test on the official Tosowoong site - 39800 won:
http://tosowoong.com/shop/shopdetail.html?branduid=1570&xcode=&mcode=&scode=&GfDT=bm5%2FW1o%3D
Qoo10 Singapore - SGD$12.80 (on offer?)
http://list.qoo10.sg/item/BEST-SELLING-EYELINER-KIT-TOSOWOONG/409898032?sellerview=on
Qoo10 Hong Kong - HKD$121.50
http://list.qoo10.hk/item/TOSOWOONG-TOSOWOONG-NEW-SEASON3-MAKE-ON/412738309?sellerview=on
Amazon - USD$25.90
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Wishtrend - USD$28.87
http://www.wishtrend.com/make-up/507--tosowoong-makeon-princess-gel-pencil-eyeliner-set.html
BLOG ENTRY==============================
Visit my blog for more information and detailed instructions and write up!
http://madokeki.blogspot.com/2014/08/tosowoong-makeon-princess-eyeliner.html
PRODUCTS USED============================
Tosowoong Makeon Princess Eyeliners (Super Long Lasting Waterproof Gel Pencil Liner)
Season 1 (from the original line)
#S02 party tonight pearl black (tight lining)
#S03 lovely espresso brown (upper waterline)
#S04 sexy vampire burgundy
#S05 secret princess gold
#S06 look at me lovely beige (inner corner and lower water line)
Season 2 (from the bronze spectrum)
#BS01 dark brown
#BS02 glam brown (outer half)
#BS03 deep bronze
#BS04 blonde (inner half)
#BS05 sunshine
MUSIC=======================================
Lee Jin Wook
1. Bon Bon!
https://itunes.apple.com/ca/album/bon!-bon!/id393280936?i=393280943
2. déjà vu Waltz
https://itunes.apple.com/ca/album/deja-vu-waltz/id312838570?i=312838676
CONNECT WITH ME ============================
I BLOG: http://madokeki.blogspot.com
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first impression, review, korean, eyeliner, waterproof, gel, pencil, beauty, cosmetics, asian brands
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