Swipe, to switch languages. 中文,請刷3次。Untuk Bahasa Malaysia, swipekan 6-kali. 🙏🏼
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就想說疫情再糟,反正店裡的租金費用也都得付了,不如邊撐邊盡點小力⋯ 我們能做的不多,能幫上多少就多少唄。之前因為人手/其他能力考量拖了一陣子⋯⋯終於還是堅持做了~ 如有人有意,歡迎一齊填滿架子 🙏🏼☺️ Just our humble FOOD BANK… We’re gonna try fix the puzzles, together. Please help share and spread, let’s see what can we work out bersama hand-in-hand.
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Usahlah risau, kita kan ada.
沒有過不去的坎,我們吃飽再拼!
Together we can; Together we’ll stand.
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FOOD BANK located at Otherwise Cafe
No. 6, Ground Floor, Jalan SS4D/14,
SS4, Kelana Jaya, Petaling Jaya.
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#kitajagakita #sharethelove #awesomedeneh
@otherwisecafe x @theotherlovefoundation
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#benderaputih #foodbank #kelanajaya #petalingjaya #stayhome #staysafe
同時也有15部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過11萬的網紅Lukas Engström,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Do you want to see MORE videos like this one? Please consider supporting me on Patreon as all my income will go directly back into the channel and cov...
「food bank中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於food bank中文 在 Chrystina Ng (黄玮瑄) Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於food bank中文 在 陳冠廷 Kuan-Ting Chen Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於food bank中文 在 跟隨Shelly 漫步英倫 Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於food bank中文 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於food bank中文 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於food bank中文 在 Melody Tam Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於food bank中文 在 什麼是Food bank食物銀行? 「歷史」... - Wanderlust Channel ... 的評價
- 關於food bank中文 在 食物银行food bank 慈善活动❤️ - YouTube 的評價
food bank中文 在 陳冠廷 Kuan-Ting Chen Facebook 的最佳貼文
I have recently perused Nicholas Kristof’s NYT piece “China’s Man in Washington, Named Trump”(https://nyti.ms/3h2JXh8). One paragraph in particular caught my attention: “A joke in China suggests that Trump’s Chinese name is Chuan Jianguo, or “Build-the-Country Trump.” That’s because Build-the-Country is a common revolutionary name among Communist patriots, and it’s mockingly suggested that Trump’s misrule of the United States is actually bolstering Xi’s regime.”
Kristoff also avows that since Trump’s ascension to presidency, the American nation became highly polarized. This is reflected in the current administration’s policies on climate change, foreign relations with established U.S. allies, and COVID-19 prevention, all of which are rather ineffective. It also seems like Mr. Trump and his team diverged from the traditional priorities, including promoting free trade, human rights, and other quintessentially American values. As described thoroughly by John Bolton, all these factors contributed to the declining standing of the U.S. in global politics.
What is more, many people fall prey to CCP’s propaganda and its interpretations of Trump’s actions, which only enhances China’s reputation.
But that might not exactly be the case.
The CCP apparently failed to utilize the window of opportunity created by the ineptness of the Trump administration, as China could have grown to the position of a leader by filling in the void left by the U.S.
During the 2016 APEC Ministerial Meeting in Lima, Peru, Xi Jinping and his team actively supported the plans to establish the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, or FTAAP. In contrast, the United States withdrew its signature from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in early 2017. Coupled with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), this move bolstered China’s capacity to influence global investments and trade, high-tech mergers and acquisitions, and, overall, expand its geostrategic influence on the entire globe.
At the same time, various propaganda films about great power competition, military industry, and science and technology surged all at once, and gained remarkable following around the world.
All this provided a window of opportunity for the CCP to slowly change its course. Around the same time, the distrust for POTUS among U.S. allies’ reached its apex. According to polls conducted by the Pew Research Center, the distrust for the U.S. president in the U.K. reached 75%, 72% in Japan, 70% in Australia, and stunning 86% in France.
Had the C.C.P,. begun to open up at that time, or at least resumed the governance style of the Hu-Wen administration, it could have reaped the benefits of promoting liberalism where the U.S. failed to deliver. It was the time for Beijing to gradually enhance freedom of speech domestically, pursue sustainable infrastructural projects, gradually reform unfair barriers to trade, transform its S.O.E.s, strengthen protections for private ownership, and vitalize its start-ups and enterprises.
Moreover, were China to cease the genocide in East Turkestan and refrain from cracking down on Hong Kong's semi-autonomy, it would have greatly enhanced its global international image. Additionally, if paired with slow but steady reforms, Beijing’s respect for sovereignty of its peoples would have attracted a large amount of foreign investment, which in turn would have continued to buttress the country’s growth.
It is China prerogative to remain idle.
It might still be possible for Chinese “Dream” to come true.
Yet, a historic window of opportunity is now closed.
Xi assumed the tools of proscribing and stalling, which are completely antithetical to the aforementioned window of opportunity.
Today, China is more authoritarian, less flexible, and fully deprived of horizontal accountability. Its reliance on wolf warrior diplomacy backfired: for example, the Swedish parliament sought to expel the Chinese ambassador to Stockholm. Also, Prague, the capital of Czechia, terminated its sister-city agreement with Shanghai and instead signed a new one with Taipei. Last but not least, we ought not to forget about the recent fiasco in the relations with the United States who ordered the shutdown of China’s consulate in Houston. All of this took its toll on China’s reputation.
Its international standing and inability to replace the U.S. as the major global power are not the only issues China is currently facing.
As it experiences multiple domestic and international shocks, China struggles to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and tame the disastrous floods of Yangtze River. The swarm of locusts of biblical proportions is also crippling Beijing’s institutional capacity and may soon lead to food shortages. In fact, the precarity of food supply further diminishes the level of trust for Chinese authorities.
In 2019, the Pew Research Center conducted a public opinion survey to examine the international views of China. In the U.S., Argentina, the U.K., Canada, Germany, and Ukraine, only about 30% of respondents claim a favorable view of China.
As the COVID-19 pandemic rages in the U.S., as many as 73% of U.S. respondents view China unfavorably.
Recently, the C.C.P. is losing its focus by continuously shifting targets. In fact, I believe there is no need for the C.C.P.to rely on nationalistic appeals, since in this new century values, business relations, and fair competition are all far more important than greater than delusive blood ties.
China lies only 130 kilometers away from us. Of course, we welcome dialogue and seek to avoid misjudgments. But we also distinguish between the C.C.P. and China. While we do welcome dialogue, but we will not be coerced to talk under unjust preconditions or in fear.
The only fair prerequisites are those of reciprocity, mutual respect as well as fairness and openness with respect for the rule of law.
Source: Pew Research Center
最近看到紐約時報中文版的一篇文章
<美國的川普,中國的「川建國」>,其中一小段是這樣的
「在中國,人們戲稱川普的中文名字是川建國。那是因為建國是共產黨愛國者中一個普遍的革命人名。它在諷刺地暗示川普對美國的治理不當實際上是在鞏固習近平的政權。」
裡面也提到,川普在任的幾年,國家更分裂,對於氣候變遷,傳統美國盟友,乃至於疫情處理等都相當拙劣,對於美國傳統的自由貿易、人權等價值也基本上都沒有太大興趣。這些方針,導致美國在世界的評價降低,波頓的新書也多有描述。
除此之外,許多不幸相信中共宣傳,又或者是中共圈養的小粉紅,特別故意愛宣傳川普增強中國的威望。
但這不是真的。
中共完全沒有掌握美國做得不夠好的地方,去增強其在世界的領導力。
在2016年時,秘魯的亞太峰會舉行期間,習近平政權爭取(RCEP)及亞太自由貿易區(FTAAP)談判;對比2017年初,美國剛宣布退出TPP,加上中國到「一帶一路」和亞洲基礎設施投資銀行,中國當時在世界全面發揮投資貿易、高科技併購還有其地緣戰略的影響力。
也是那個時候,各種的大國崛起、大國軍工、大國科技的宣傳影片此起彼落,似乎正準備要在世界舞台發光發熱。
這曾經是中共慢慢轉向的一個機會之窗。彼時(2017)美國盟友對美國總統的不信任度達到歷史新高,根據皮尤研究中心的資訊,英國對於美國總統的不信任度達到75%、日本72% 澳洲70% 法國更高達86%
如果那時中共開始有限度的改革,對內放寬言論自由,或者至少維持在胡溫當時的水中,對外追求有責任的基礎建設,逐步緩慢減低不公平的貿易壁壘,對於國有企業改革,增強私營企業、新創企業的活力。
停止對新疆迫害,不干預香港自治,不僅國際形象會大幅改善,哪怕是緩慢但是穩健的改革,也會讓大量吸引外資,讓中國的活力持續前進。
哪怕是什麼都不做也好
那或許有這麽一點可能性,中國「夢」是可以前行的
但是歷史機緣的大門已經關上。
習、禁、停、放棄了這個機會之窗,徹底的走向相反的方向。
更專制、更沒有彈性,更沒有任何制衡的力量。各種戰狼外交,讓瑞典議員提案驅逐中國大使,捷克布拉格市長與台北簽訂姊妹是,就解散上海與該市關係、被美國關閉領事館、各種讓中國形象低下的事情,中共都沒有少做。
中共不但完全沒有辦法取代美國,在多重國內外的衝擊之下,又是瘟疫,又是超大水患,緊接著蝗害,還有進來的糧食不足問題,正在面臨巨大的瓶頸。
而糧食的命脈,卻恰恰又在對他最不信任,對中共價值最反對的國家聯盟
根據皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center2019調查各國對中國的喜好度,美國、阿根廷、英國、加拿大、德國、烏克蘭等,對於中國的喜好度都在30%上下
而2020疫情後美國對於中國的不信任度,更高達73%。
最近中共在演習,又要玩轉移目標的手段,對於中共,其實不必再有民族主義的同情,因為新的世紀,價值、商業模式、公平競爭的制度大於血緣幻想。
中國離我們只有130公里的距離,我們當然歡迎對話,避免誤判。但我們同時也區分中共與中國,歡迎對話,但不在前提、條件、恐懼之下對話。
如果真的要有前提,那就是對等、尊重,還有公平公開法治的方式會晤。
資料來源:皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center
(美國著名的民調機構和智庫機構,https://www.pewresearch.org/)
food bank中文 在 跟隨Shelly 漫步英倫 Facebook 的精選貼文
【飛到英國當孩子們的中文老師】
到西方國家教中文 一直是自己很想要做的事情
很幸運 我已經達成這個夢想
於是我在網路上寫下一篇文章
是發表一些關於教外國孩子們的想法 有趣的過程 經驗談等
結果有很多人私下留言問我一些相關問題
才發現 原來大家也像我一樣 對於教中文有很大的憧憬
在這邊一併回答大家的共同問題
所以這篇會有點長
主要是希望能幫助到更多想圓夢的人
也分享給對於孩童學習語言有興趣的朋友
如果沒興趣的 可以看看照片就好囉
首先英國的教育和亞洲蠻不一樣的
在教學之前 每個班導師都會和我討論教學方法
他們都一致認為
孩子們想學習中文已經是很大的挑戰
所以請先讓他們喜歡語言 才能讓他們想要學習
而填鴨式的教學方式 在英國也完全不受用
取而代之的是以學生為中心 創造出快樂的語言環境
也許就是在這樣的環境之下 讓英國孩子們個個都很主動
即使是發音超級困難的中文 他們也從不會膽怯的說出來
上課的時候 大家也都很踴躍的發言
有不懂 不會的也是馬上舉手發問
這裡的孩子們 喜歡被老師注意和關心著
開心互動的上課情形下 不僅是孩子開心
老師們也更能融入教學的樂趣 陪著孩子一起快樂成長學習
有的時候上課不僅限於教室內 也沒有正統的教科書
而是讓孩子們走出室外學習語言
勞逸結合反而更能創造出學習效果
帶著孩子來到中國超市挑自己喜歡的餅乾糖果
或者去去中國城吃港式飲茶 教導他們如何用筷子代替刀叉
並且認識不同的食物和發音方式
新年到了 則是教他們怎麼怎麼寫春聯
有的時候也會在教室裡上烹飪課 一起研究怎麼煮Chinese Food
如果是在課堂中上課 一定要準備遊戲 小組討論 互動白板
畫畫 唱歌等等
越多的互動和討論 也越能讓他們有更多的參與感
其實要學習新的語言真的不簡單
我也很認同當地老師說的要讓孩子先喜歡語言
如果課堂上只是不斷死板的念課文 背單字 考試
那我相信對於活潑亂跳的英國孩子們 肯定很快就會失去興趣
而讓人動容的事情是他們會主動當起對方的小老師
一起研究如何發音 一起討論 一起對話 也一起玩樂
孩子們的語言能力超乎你想像
不要刻意去限制孩子要讀什麼 要做什麼 要背什麼
有的時候適時的放手 反而能讓他們自由發揮出強大的學習成效
上面是一些簡單的課程分享
下面則是一些大家問的相關問題
1. 首先是簽證: 一開始我還在唸大學和碩士時 是拿學生簽證
一個禮拜用兩天 到當地的英國小學還有中學當義工兩年多
畢業之後 我拿到了PSW(Post Study Work)
這個簽證是允許獲學士以上學位的國際學生畢業後
可以留在英國兩年尋找工作
但在2012年時 英國政府表示 為了減少淨移民增長
留學生讀完書就必須回家 而取消此方案
那時很幸運我剛好是最後一屆可以申請此簽證
我拿著這簽證 到倫敦中文學校教書 此時的工作是有薪水的
以上是我教書時使用的簽證
其他還可以留在英國工作的簽證
就是大家熟知也是現在很紅的Tier 5 YMS
兩年的Working Holiday Visa
英國打工度假只要年齡在18未滿31歲前的青年都可申請
亞洲國家目前僅開放給持有台灣 香港 日本 或韓國護照者
一年有1000個名額(需電腦抽籤 沒抽中者可以再重新申請)
如果只是想單純做義工或學經驗的人
可以申請 Tier 5 (Temporary Worker - Charity Worker)
這個志工簽證最多只能一年
而且不能從事任何有付薪水的工作
2. 只要和孩童有接觸的工作
都必須申請DBS checked(Disclosure and Barring Service)
需要填表格 提供護照等等
費用為 £26 拿到文件的時間需要兩週
類似像良民證來證明自己沒有犯罪紀錄
如果是有薪水的工作
都必須要申請NI Number(National Insurance number)
沒有這組號碼 就等於是非法打工
只要有工作 就要有國家保險號碼
3.有關一些人提到華語師資課
說很怕花了錢又沒有成效的問題
因為我自己是學關於教育和語言學的相關科系
所以就沒有另外再去上這些培育課程 所以不太清楚
但基本上 只要你的母語是中文 懂得教學的概念
喜歡孩子又能當他們的朋友一樣 有很多的互動
我想這些比再多的證照都還實用
4. 另外關於英文程度方面的問題
雖然是教中文
但大部份的學生都是完全沒有中文概念或剛學習者
所以課堂中主要都是用英文和孩子們對談
基本的英文底子和英文教學方式都須要具備
5. 至於工作要怎麼找
之前我做Volunteer時
是在學校展覽中 遇到一位正在籌備中文課程的英國老師
於是我就有機會到英國的各個小學和中學幫忙
甚至還到不同的學校推廣中文和演講
而畢業後有薪水的工作
是我在網路上申請 寄CV找到的
所以最快的方式還是網上先搜尋和申請
希望以上的回答 有幫助到大家的疑問
最後分享一些上課情形的有趣照片
如果還有更多問題再歡迎大家留言
Have a lovely weekend
or bank holiday : )
food bank中文 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的最佳解答
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food bank中文 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的精選貼文
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food bank中文 在 Melody Tam Youtube 的最佳貼文
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