關於 global challenges meaning ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【Founders: What's Your Why?】
Occasionally, when meeting with founders, we're often asked about what exactly we look for when investing in startups.

Is it a killer product? A scalable business model? User stickiness? Track record of success? Large addressable market?

Those are all certainly core facets of an attractive deal, albeit present across varying degrees. But one of the most important considerations that we spend a great deal of time trying to understand is the founder's Heart (among our core framework of Heart, Head, Hand), and more specifically the "why."

If COVID-19 is any indication, unpredictability and volatility can completely derail a startup at any given time. Although an outlier event in many respects, the outbreak is still but a microcosm compared to all the trials and tribulations that are bound to arise along a founder's journey.

If it's not a worldwide pandemic, then it's a co-founder abruptly quitting, a term sheet falling through, an inhibiting regulation, a competitor poaching top talent, a Google or Amazon entering your space, a loss of a key account, or perhaps a failed relationship or marriage--essentially a myriad of constant challenges that seem to do nothing but put your mental resolve and willpower to the test.

In tumultuous times, it's then important to always go back to your underlying reason for starting the company. As famously preached by the German philosopher Frederick Nietzsche, "He who has a why to live can bear almost any how."

For some, it's to scratch their own itch or solve their own problem. For others, it's to create a better world for their offspring and impact loved ones and those around them.

Regardless, the "why" is what will give meaning to founders' efforts in the face of adversity, allowing them to ride out rough patches and generate the conviction to see things through to the end.

Global restrictions on movement and trade have created unprecedented economic and operational challenges for companies across the value chain. Founders, use this time as an opportunity to revisit your why, clarify and affirm your reasons for starting a business. In this way, you'll have a stronger and more fortified foundation to capitalize on the upswing when things start to recover.

-Jun Wakabayashi
Analyst, AppWorks

#臺灣社會 #公民社會 #臺灣科技 #國家政策

How Civic Technology Can Help Stop a Pandemic

🇹🇼Taiwan’s Initial Success Is a Model for the Rest of the World

《Foreign Affairs, FA》是美國最具影響力的國際事務暨外交政策期刊，對於全球外交政治圈，扮演議題倡議者的角色。這個月 20 號，FA 刊登了一篇專文，名為 ＜如何以「公民科技力量」抑制疫情氾濫 − 台灣模式的成功為世界立下典範＞，「台灣模式」（Taiwan Model）四字貫穿全文，分析台灣如何以一個島國，而且是被 WHO 排除在外的小國，結合科技和民間力量，在災情下，比科技領頭大國的美、中還堅毅。

台灣在已知病例中的發病率僅為美國的五分之一。美國的比率還不到被廣泛讚譽的新加坡的十分之一。感染仍可能再次激增，特別是隨著全球傳播使來自世界各地的遊客成為該病毒的媒介。然而，台灣最初取得成功的故事值得分享，這不僅是因為它掌握了遏制當前大流行的經驗教訓，而且還因為它掌握了應對技術和民主緊迫挑戰的廣泛經驗。

台灣的成功在於技術，行動主義和公民參與的融合。台灣是一個小型但技術領先的民主國家，生活在兩岸超級大國的陰影下，近年來，通過使技術對民主的有利而不是不利於人民，台灣發展了世界上最活躍的政治文化之一。這種公民技術文化被證明是該國對新型冠狀病毒的最強免疫反應。

Focusing on the countries that have done worst, however, may be less useful at this point than considering which country has so far done best: Taiwan. Despite being treated by the World Health Organization as part of China, and despite having done far broader testing than the United States (meaning the true rate of infection is far less hidden), Taiwan has only one-fifth the rate of known cases in the United States and less than one-tenth the rate in widely praised Singapore. Infections could yet spike again, especially with the global spread making visitors from around the world vectors of the virus. Yet the story of Taiwan’s initial success is worth sharing not just because of its lessons for containing the present pandemic but also because of its broader lessons about navigating pressing challenges around technology and democracy.

Taiwan’s success has rested on a fusion of technology, activism, and civic participation. A small but technologically cutting-edge democracy, living in the shadow of the superpower across the strait, Taiwan has in recent years developed one of the world’s most vibrant political cultures by making technology work to democracy’s advantage rather than detriment. This culture of civic technology has proved to be the country’s strongest immune response to the new coronavirus.

最具草根性的科技，最有公民意識的防疫
其實在台灣可以看到很多例子都不是由政府籌備，反而是 公、私部門互相合作 發展出來的，最厲害的是，在這些開放式平臺、及公民參與的活動中，並沒有刺激假訊息滋長，大家因為想保護彼此，有相關資訊便會在保護個資的情況下主動提供，這種風氣明顯與歐美當前的恐慌蔓延、或是中國的權威隱匿截然不同。 台灣政府也把面臨到的危機丟出來與社區對話，而非把自己塑造成一種全知者 ，好比唐鳳的所有會議都直接用串流直播。

台灣的訊息傳遞方式，也常常是從民間發起，形成公開透明且 有公民意識的防疫作戰陣線 。史丹佛醫學院報告指出，台灣這次有 124 種「抗疫」方式，迅速掌控疫情。其中很多是以社區倡議、黑客松、和一個名為 vTaiwan 的線上政策交流平台在運作。台灣人雖然分散在不同社區，但是運用通訊軟體 Slack 和 工程協作平台 HackMD 創造出許多佳績。

NowThis Interview Transcript
April 18

Host: Can you tell us a little bit about what the Umbrella Protest or UmbrellaMovement is? And why is it important?

Joshua: Before the handover of HK, China promised HK to achieve universal suffrage - let every Hongkonger have one person one vote. However, since1997 until now, we have waited 19 years already. We have realised that it was a fake promise, that’s why two years ago when the Communist party of China ignored our demand, our request on having a universal suffrage, we tried to throw demonstrations, assembly and finally civil disobedience and occupying action to show our disagreement and demand on universal suffrage, and hope to let the world know that Hong Kong people wants real election.

Host: That time in 2014, was there any result came from the Umbrella Movement?

Joshua: Luckily we can let the world know that Hong Kong is not only a global financial centre, Hong Kong is a city in which many people live, and we hope to have better human rights and achieve the universal value. Unfortunately, although we have 200 thousands of people occupying the road for 79 days, Beijing still did not accept our demand.

Host: At what point did you realise that the movement was going to be huge? It’s hard to anticipate that millions of people were going to come…

Joshua: Actually before the Umbrella Movement, I didn’t expect we would occupy the road and show the persistence to voice out our demand of democracy by civil obedience and such a large scale movement. We believe that Hongkongers have created history and we let the world know our persistence. Everything is out of expectation, including the attitude of the Communist Party. However, I would like to let the people in America know that even two years ago during the Occupying Movement, we couldn’t force the government to let us regain universal suffrage. We are still committed to movements, Hong Kong is the place where we live and we love, and we will still try our best to commit to movements, despite of the price we need to pay, until we can get direct election, one person one vote.

Host: I don’t think that everyone is familiar with maybe the differences, what’s happening in Mainland China and Hong Kong. Would you be able to explain how life is different in those two places, especially for young people?

Joshua: Hong Kong is different from Mainland China, because we have rule of law, judicial independence. We can still have freedom of speech and free access to different websites, for example, people cannot visit Facebook, Youtube, Twitter and Google websites in Mainland China. Hong Kong is one of the special administrative regions under the rule of People’s Republic of China, that’s why we still have rule of law. However, the core value in Hong Kong has been eroded continuously by Beijing.

Host: Could you explain the power of the young people in this movement? It seems that a lot of political parties even now started by young people including yourself. So tell us a little bit about the power of youth in this movement.

Joshua: Most of the youth think that politics is the thing that belongs to people after graduating from universities and that 30 to 40 years old is the starting point of people to be involved in politics. However, the situation we face in Hong Kong is different - teenagers join student strikes at 13 years old, they join civil disobedience at 14, they hold slogans, wear masks and face pepper spray and tear gas at the age of 15, but they will still commit by direct actions, even in the future they may political prosecution. Actually I am now forming a political party named as Demosistō, in which “Demo” means the people, “sistō” means persistence and resistance. We hope to show the people’s resistance towards the ruler of China, so we form the party and demand for self-determination.

Host: You were saying how young people were facing pepper spray and things like that. I know that’s a fact that faced by you personally as well, can you talk about any prosecution you are currently facing?

Joshua: I am facing the inciting of unauthorised assembly, contempt of court and obstructing police officer. Some of the trials have started already, and the most serious one is inciting an unauthorised assembly, because even we enjoy freedom of speech in Hong Kong, we don’t have the rights to freely organise assembly, as we only have approximation of freedom and things seem to be moving backward. The trial of inciting an unauthorised assembly will end in June, meaning that I will know whether I am convicted or not, and the penalty after two months. The maximum penalty of that is to put into prison for five years. I don’t know what would be the trial result, but despite of the price that I need to pay, I still hope the world know that Hongkongers are still committed to fighting for democracy and self-determination. It is not easy for us, but we will try our best until we get the things that originally belong to us.

Host: That’s the age that… you know most of us got to go to college and do all these things…

Joshua: I am still a year 2 university student studying Politics…

Host: So are you scared and how do you feel about potentially having to face prison time until you are 24?

Joshua: It is not easy - my number, my address and other personal information are public on the internet, and I can’t enter Mainland China. Last year when a non-governmental organisation from Malaysia invited me to give a speech, the immigration department told me that I had to return to Hong Kong when I arrived at the Malaysia airport. The Malaysian official claimed that they rejected me to enter because I would affect their country’s relationship with Mainland China. It’s ridiculous and in no sense that my visit would affect its relationship with China. So I think it’s never an easy thing for us, to form a political party, to face trials, it’s really a long-term battle for us. However, what we concern the most is the future of Hong Kong, because we still have rule of law and judicial independence under One Country Two Systems. The problem is, after the expiry date of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 2047, after the end of Basic Law, after the end of One Country Two Systems, will Hong Kong suddenly change to One Country One System? Will Hong Kong become a normal city in China like Guangzhou, Shenzhen and Shanghai? The new generation are worried about the rule of law and judicial independence being continuously eroded by Beijing. We still hope to maintain the uniqueness of Hong Kong which differentiates us from China.

Host: There’s been some criticism from students from Mainland China, and there’s some general criticism about street activism as an approach, do you have any comments on street activism versus political? I know you are doing both now…

Joshua: I think I will emphasis on two points. Firstly, if Hongkongers could successfully achieve democracy just through negotiations, dialogues and meetings, maybe while I was just a primary school student in around 2007 to 2008, we could have universal suffrage and choose our chief executive by one person one vote in our city. However, history has proven that negotiations and private, closed-door meetings are not effective. That’s why, from assembly to rally, and to civil disobedience and direct actions - that’s the trend for us to upgrade as progressive actions. Another point is people may criticise me as starting off from street protesting and question my reason to enter the legislature by running in the election. I can’t enter the election because the minimum age to run in the election in Hong Kong is 21, and I am just 19. People also ask why I form the political party - because I realise that the road to democracy is really a long-term battle, the challenges we have to face may come after 30 years, like what I have mentioned, after the expiry date of One Country Two Systems. That’s why we hope to ensure that Hong Kong can get the right of self-determination, we hope we can throw a referendum to decide the future of the city, no matter it’s One Country One System, to maintain the self- governance and autonomy under One Country Two Systems, or even independence. We hope to determine the future of Hong Kong through referendum instead of relying on the Communist Party.

Host: So why did you decide to move to the political sphere before you know you could even necessarily be a face of it?

Joshua: It’s not an easy decision and the price that I need to pay is high. The reason for me to commit and even form the party is that…I think that..If organising a student organisation is not able for me to be ready, to prepare for self-determination movement in the coming ten years, the only suitable form of organisation is a political party. If we claim that we need to fight in the next ten years and achieve the demand for self-determination, hoping to get the general public’s support from Hong Kong, and more importantly, the international community endorsing the right to self-determination of HongKongers, forming a political party is the only way for us to prepare for the long-term battle.

Host: Right…So you have been on this journey since you were 17…

Joshua: 14 actually…

Host: 14?

Joshua: I founded student organisation Scholarism when I was 14 years old.

Host: So throughout this journey of protest, arrests and lawsuits, what has been the most rewarding part of the process for you and why do you keep fighting?

Joshua: The most unforgettable scene of participating in social movements in the past five years is how we change the impossibles to possibles. I think it’s the most significant part that gives me the motivation to commit and continue moving forward to fight for democracy and freedom. What I mean is, two years ago, before the Umbrella Movement just started, I was arrested and had to stay in police station for 46 hours. During the period, thousands of Hongkongers went to the Cental Government Offices to support students, they were not afraid of the pepper spray and tear gas. The activist still persist on non-violent means to show their disagreement towards the government and the police. After I was released by the police, I walked out of the door of the police station, and realised that everything in the city had changed, Hong Kong had changed. In the past, people might o