關於 key point中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

🌻[新書介紹]"從0開始打造財務自由的致富系統：暢銷10年經典「系統理財法」，教你變成有錢人"

這陣子一些個股的飆法, 是不是讓您覺得賺錢很容易呢? 這並不是常態, 所以正確的投資與理財觀念很重要. 也請不要認為這樣(買這些飆股)能一夕致富喔.

今天要介紹的一本書, 就是作者藉由分享自己的理財方式, 希望讀者能夠參考自己的方法, 來有系統地打造一個理財計劃.

我年紀不小了, 所以不是這本書的主要目標族群😅, 不過倒挺建議剛入社會, 或是年輕人看看, 說不定會從裡面得到一些啟發. 你不理財, 才不理你. 如果能從年輕時開始擬定適合自己的理財計劃, 並養成習慣, 好好執行, 那財富指日可待!

柏客來網站:
https://www.books.com.tw/products/0010882103?loc=P_0004_053

🌻Fidelity Contrafund的Will Danoff訪談摘要
很扎實, 有內容的一篇訪談. 雖然不少內容都已經在自己的實作上了, 但有從他的談話中應證了以前的一些想法, 於是還是整理了一下筆記(不過也不是完全100%同意他的觀點就是(有寫在下方))
https://makingsenseofusastocks.blogspot.com/2021/01/fidelity-contrafundwill-danoff.html

🌻Microsoft(MSFT)財報結果
節錄CNBC的重點:
1. Azure revenue growth accelerated and came in above analysts’ expectations for the quarter.
2. Sales of new Xbox consoles didn’t hurt the margin of the Windows business as much as analysts had expected.
3. Revenue guidance for the company quarter beat expectations.

CEO的話:「過去1年裡，我們見證了席捲每家公司和每個行業的第2波數位化轉型的曙光。」
(中文文字來源: https://tw.appledaily.com/property/20210127/YQPVSZAXC5HV5GFAWVZACAT5QQ/)
原文: What we are witnessing is the dawn of a second wave of digital transformation sweeping every company and every industry. Digital capability is key to both resilience and growth. It's no longer enough to just adopt technology. Businesses need to build their own technology to compete and grow. Microsoft is powering this shift with the world's largest and most comprehensive cloud platform.

官方財報新聞稿連結: https://www.microsoft.com/en-us/Investor/earnings/FY-2021-Q1/press-release-webcast

🌻沒太follow ARK的新聞, 不過最近連續有三個媒體在報導. 這些基金對我來說, 算是動能投資的操作方式. 若碰到修正, 會拉回很多. 供參.
https://www.cnbc.com/2021/01/22/cramer-worries-about-investors-mimicking-ark-invests-cathie-wood.html
https://www.barrons.com/articles/ark-etfs-might-be-too-popular-for-their-own-good-51611234009
https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-story-behind-the-markets-hottest-funds-thematic-etfs-arkg-vegn-11610722419

🌻關於SPAC
高盛：美股的確已有泡沫現象 SPAC火熱
https://news.cnyes.com/news/id/4562981

GS的CEO在財報上也有提到SPAC: Goldman Sachs warned of the risks in SPACs"I do think SPACs is a good use case, versus a traditional IPO, and advantages for sellers and for investors and looking at this ecosystem. But the ecosystem is not without flaws. I think it's still evolving. I think the incentive system is still evolving. One of the things we're watching very, very closely is the incentives of the sponsors, and also the incentives of somebody that selling. And while I think these activity levels continue to be very robust, and that they do continue as we head into 2021 continue to be very, very robust. I do not think this is sustainable in the medium term...things I certainly think is the case is you have something here it's a good capital markets innovation. But like many innovations, there's a point in time as they start, where they have a tendency, maybe to go a little bit too far, and then need to be pulled back or rebalanced in some way. And that's something my guess is we'll see over the course of 2021 or 2022, with SPAC" - Goldman Sachs (GS) CEO David Solomon

Pictures來源: 出版社提供; https://www.cnbc.com/2021/01/26/microsoft-msft-earnings-q2-2021.html

The Best Way to Season Chinese Iron Woks! Turn Iron Woks into Nonstick!

Written instruction: http://cicili.tv/the-best-way-to-season-iron-woks
中文影片: https://www.youtube.com/NTDfoodparadise

Here are 2 extra steps for continuously having a nonstick wok after it is well-seasoned. So every time you use your iron wok:

Step 1: Prepare the wok by adding a nonstick layer to it.

First, turn to high, and heat until smoking. Then add about 1/4 cup of vegetable oil in it. (You can also use other types of high smoking point oil.)

Move it inside the pan a bit, and make sure every part of the wok has a layer of oil on it.

Pour out the oil. (After the oil is cooled, you can put the oil in a jar, and store it in a cool place. You can still use it this way next time.)

The wok has a nonstick coating on it now.

Step 2: The second key for having a nonstick iron wok is ”hot wok, cool oil”. In Chinese, we call it 猛火陰油.

Continue to heat your wok until smoking hot, over high heat. Pour in a few tablespoons of vegetable oil. Then immediately add the protein of your choice.

(If you are cooking vegetables, ”hot wok, hot oil” will be acceptable. )

If you follow all of the steps, I guarantee that you can turn any iron wok into a nonstick! 👍

-----

In this Kung Bao Chicken video, I demonstrated the above steps at 2:08 & 4:19 mins https://youtu.be/31sgVnTHbTU

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

這款遊戲目前不支援中文，搶先體驗請點下方連結，如果喜歡影片不妨按個讚、訂閱，如果有任何問題下方留言給我吧!
http://store.steampowered.com/app/338330/

#片名是我自己翻譯的，未來正式版推出以正式版為主#

【奪寶爭霸戰】是一款復古的街機遊戲，結合炸彈超人+射擊遊戲。
路上可獲取各種不同武器，勝利的關鍵是擊敗對手並獲得戰利品。
可4人遊玩，也可跟CPU對戰，各種不同職業，如戰士、法師、弓箭手、忍者、盜賊、秘使每個都有特殊技能，及各種不同關卡可選擇

兩種不同的遊戲模式:
自由對戰: 獲得最多金幣者獲勝
奪寶大戰: 取得寶箱後要跑回基地，但由於寶箱非常沉重，所以移動非常緩慢，每獲得一個寶箱增加10分，獲得最多者獲勝。

Super Treasure Arena is a unique mix of retro-inspired arcade action and objective-based arena shooters.
The result is a frantic game where collecting and stealing loot from your opponents is the key to victory.
Play locally via split-screen with your friends, or challenge other players online!

With two different game modes you can beat each other up.
In"Free For All" everybody is on his/her own to eliminate other players and collect the most coins.
"Treasure Run" on the other hand a treasure chest will pop up in the middle of the map and you have to carry it back to your starting point.

Of course treasure chests are pretty heavy, so you can only move very sluggishly.

【YouTuber 學校 － Youtube賺錢沒難度】
http://goo.gl/msrnP5

Instagram：@Chachaxxtv

Facebook:chacha tv
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Business inquiries : chachaxxtv@gmail.com

A level 5A 讀書心得

Hello 大家好我是加減乘除chacha

歡迎大家收看我的頻道

今天會做這個影片的原因是我之前在youtube上看到很多香港的youtuber做關於DSE讀書心得的影片。 在興起之下就搜索了一下A 水准讀書心得，卻發現中文界裡面好像沒有人做過關於A 水准的話題。

其實我在11月趕上A水准做的，可是拖延到現在。因為A level很多國家的学生都有take， 而且我聽說新加坡的A level好像比英國那邊要難點，所以如果你是在其他地方考A level，這個影片可能也會幫到你。

那看到這裏就算我不說也肯定會有觀眾會問關於我A水準的成績和拿了什麼科目。本人JC兩年是在新加坡的南洋初級學院度過，我是文科生，2014畢業，拿的科目是 H2econs，歷史，中文文學， H1 數學，pw 還有gp 啦。

除了gp之外其他拿的都是A。 在這裏要說清楚這些成績不是為了炫耀啦，因為我覺得要跟大家分享之前要以自己的成績證明我沒有在胡說八道啦。

當然，以下的方法都是我個人經驗，可能不是每個人都適合，那大家可以根據自己的習慣和愛好做出一些變動。

那因為稿子過長，這次我會先跟大家分享很多人都有拿的H2econs 讀書心得。因為歷史和文學都是一些比較冷門的科目，如果大家想要我繼續出這個系列請在comment box裡面告訴我。另外，我雖然是個文科生，但是身邊還是有不少考得還不錯的理科生，如果你想要看關於理科讀書心得，那也請comment box裡request讓我知道，如果很多人想看的話我會邀請我的朋友們上來分享。

在開始之前我覺得我有必要要打破一些迷思。
因為我還在準備會考的時候就有很多人一直說 要不停地做練習卷，並且time yourself。 這句話本身是沒錯，但並不是人人適用，特別是如果你的concepts還不穩，這樣做的話最終只會落得自己寫的答案不夠精準，又不能在設立的時間內完成卷子，這樣子對自己的打擊反而很大。

那當然我這些意見可能只適用於我拿的那幾科科目。 我知道一些理科科目還是要必須不停的做練習才能知道自己有concepts還不是很穩。

我當初個人的做法是我都把學校好幾次的模擬考試用來time自己，平時的複習和練習我是不會那樣子做的。那接下來我就要跟大家具體分享我的學習方法。


Econs 学习方式-如何应对essay question

1. 使用集齊其他學校問題答案的資料

－那在開始之前我首先要說明其實很多人都認為我們應該不停練習A level 的past year papers，因為最終我們還是要考A level，並不是學校的卷子。
－但是我有一點必須強調的是 其實很多學校在給我們練習的時候都一定會go through 很多的A level 問題，也會提供standard answer，讓我們清楚知道劍橋是怎麼給分還有他們出題的方式。
－在這個基礎下我覺得考生一定要多做其他A水準還沒考過的concepts， 那這個方法就是多做其他學校的題目
－我必須要強調study其他學校的卷子是由方法的，請大家不要一窩蜂的每個學校的卷子問題都自己一筆一劃把答案寫出來。
－跟你說句老實話，我當時一拿到資料第一件事並不是做題，而是study 它提供的answer scheme。
－我個人的順序就是 決定我要master的一個topic，然後study 每個學校那個topic的answer。 之後我會把我原本不知道的points 寫下來，做一個那個topic對應的notes，之後考試會很容易背。

這個做法有一下的好處
－全面知道這個topic有什麼不一樣的出題方式，了解出題的廣度&深度
－知道哪一些points是可以不停重複用的
－快速知道哪些學校提供的answer scheme是很好，哪些是寫了等於沒寫，下次不用浪費時間
－方便整理notes，要用什麼角度去整理。 當初在讀globalisation的時候就能整理 micro 和macro 的不同解答方法，都是一些可能textbook沒有cover的範圍。 整理那個notes topic的時候就能分成macro µ
－知道key words
－收集例子 拿高分
－evaluation

以上就是我如何study for econs essay，做好notes之後我通常考試前只需要被一下notes裡面的points還有複習key words，背背definitions 就ok了。

2. 如何複習case studies
－其實為什麼我剛剛先跟大家解釋我在essay上的複習方法是因為我的建議是先複習essay，因為複習過程中你會鞏固自己的concept。而在做case studies的時候就能很方便的把concept按照case studies的情況套進去。

－在開始之前先讀問題，在讀case 的時候知道自己應該找什麼樣的情報

－兩個case，先做你自己比較有自信的。 我個人比較討厭micro，所以通常都會先開始macro，那樣子的話就算micro不大有自信但是macro的分起碼拿下。 如果按照1，2順序，micro做不好花時間，macro還沒時間做好。

－case studies 以evaluation拿分， 秘訣：LR SR, root cause, problem that the government is facing, such as budget deficit, budget surplus

－case studies 比較多怪怪問題，個人覺得挑戰性比較高，多做其他學校的怪雞問題，一定time，小心macroµ 混合型题目

－必知：一定要一邊看case一邊make notes，write down key point

♥Chacha超～～級～～愛看喜歡的 YouTuber♥
Shenlim TV
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ErnestDoCrazy

chacha的關鍵字：
A水準、A level、考試、高考、經濟、歷史、中文文學、讀書心得、考試心得、複習、秘訣、revision、tips、grades、考A、A、新加坡留学、A水准、新加坡式英文、英語、新加坡式、新加坡必吃、新加坡零食、新加坡人、新加坡式華文、新加坡式英文、華語、中文、中国女孩、中国留学生、广东人、广州、试吃、推荐、星加坡、星加坡零食、星加坡人、新加坡、新加坡生活﹑新加坡旅行﹑新加坡美食﹑新加坡分享﹑新加坡自由行、新加坡好去處﹑新加坡分享﹑新加坡必去﹑新加坡必食﹑ 新加坡必买﹑新加坡必知﹑新加坡必玩﹑广东话教室﹑新加坡生活、Singapore, Singdarin、singlish、 traveling, travel, Singapore must go, Singapore must eat, food, must try, Singaporean, guangdong, guangzhou, chinese, chinese girl, study abroad、singlish、english

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