關於 kind of you用法 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

#聞氫哥之亂
#文青的英文怎麼說？
☝️先說明一個概念：
語言之間本來就有很多字、詞語是永遠無法翻譯到百分之百正確，因為很多時候這些詞語都是在某個文化現象下被創造出來，不同國家、民族、地區裡的人很少會有完全一樣的文化，創造出來的字當然不會完全一樣囉！
☝️再想一下，「文青」到底是什麼意思？
我自己也曾經自詡為一個文青的人：
滿愛泡在書店裡、買買書、蒐集電影DVD、逛文創市集，週末再去看場表演，當然還要帶粗框眼鏡，希望別人給自己的評價是：哇你好好有文藝氣息呀！
☝️有了這個文藝青年的「形象」後，可以怎麼表達呢？

I’m kind of interested in Susie. What is she like?
(我對Susie滿有好感的耶，她人怎麼樣啊？)
Well, she’s pretty nice. She loves performing arts and works at Eslite Bookstore.
(她喔，不錯啊，她很喜歡表演藝術類的東西，然後在誠品工作。)
Oh wow, she’s an art lover/enthusiast. 🤔
(喔是喔，這麼文青啊🤔。)

通常我們想要形容一個人的時候，會稍微提到他喜歡、常常做的事情，
有了這些描繪，自然而然就能讓別人瞭解他是什麼風格的人。
所以「文青」常常會喜歡文藝類的東西。
He reads a lot of books.
他很喜歡閱讀。
He’s kind of an artsy person.
他滿走藝術文藝路線的。
She’s a music lover/enthusiast.
她熱愛音樂。
She likes to roam around a flea/secondhand/holiday market.
她喜歡逛手作/二手市集。
She loves photography.
她很喜歡攝影。

A: Which one is Kevin?
(哪一個是 Kevin?)
B: That one. In super skinny jeans and a plaid shirt.
(那個，穿緊身牛仔褲和格子襯衫的。)
A: The one with the horn-rimmed glasses?
(戴粗框眼鏡的嗎？)
B: Yeah, that’s him.
(對！)
A: Oh, he’s such a hipster.
(歐～太文青了吧！)
我們也常常用穿著定義「文青」，對吧？(當然，不是一定要這樣穿的！)
Hipster算是最接近「文青」的字，不過美國文化下的hipster畢竟和台灣的hipster還是會有些不同，但是共同點就是，都有比較文藝、非主流的品味。

Do you want to go to Blueprint Cultural & Creative Park? There are lots of great spots for pictures. I can bring my Canon.
(你想不想去藍晒圖文創園區？那裡很好拍耶，我可以帶我的Canon（單眼）去。)
Nah, too hipster. I just want to have an ultimate food tour in Tainan. 🤣
(不要，太文青了。我只想來趟大吃大喝之旅 🤣)
有時候「文青」也被借來當形容詞來用，不算是最正確的用法，但有時候我們也是會說「這件衣服太文青了吧～」英文要這樣借用一下也是可以的。
你學起來了嗎？

八月詞彙挑戰（十）主題：住屋 文字專欄：What type of housing would you like to go for? What kind of flat would you like to live in?

Condo 就是公寓/別墅，通常叫condo都是很豪華漂亮的，大家可以想像比華利山上面一排的豪華公寓。其實要理解condo是什麼不是那麼簡單，大家還是透過網上的圖片和影片比較容易理解，要了解美國和英國的房屋情況，建議看看以下這一條片：

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DOYu7DSr0To&ab_channel=Joel%26Lia

有些人非常羨慕名人，因為他們可以住大屋。你也喜歡名人住的大屋嗎？你會羨慕他們嗎？Do you envy celebrities for being able to live in beautiful houses?

如果你和我一樣喜歡看美麗的屋，你可以看看我的這一條影片：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0MQL6EZU7bo&t=42s&ab_channel=%E8%88%87%E8%8A%AC%E5%B0%BC%E5%AD%B8%E8%8B%B1%E8%AA%9ETiffanyteachesEnglish

Villa 在香港比較多人認識這個字, villa就是別墅，能叫villa一定是獨立屋。

你相信風水嗎？According to Feng Shui principles, the door of the bathroom shouldn’t be facing the door of an apartment. （根據風水原則，廁所門不應該對著一個單位的門口。）Feng Shui這個phrase在英語裡面是外來的字詞（loan word），很多香港人會就這樣說Feng Shui，而忘記了說principles這個字。

要睇我用文字專欄形式解釋vocab，重溫唔同英文vocab嘅用法，記住黎緊九月二號訂閱Patreon Tier 3！：）

https://www.patreon.com/posts/55005671

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

——————————————————
「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
patreon.com/raphaelwong
—————————————————

胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

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3個恐怖暗網故事: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TdtXKE7GnI4&t=94s

我還住在香港, 還住在舊房間的時候拍了一條關於3個暗網恐怖故事的影片. 當中故事的真假難以確認. 但最為突出一定是紅色房間的故事.

紅色房間是什麼呢? 都市傳聞說是黑網底層的神秘網站. 用戶進入網頁後畫面出現一所空置的房間. 房間中央坐著一個mung著臉的人. 手腳也綁住椅子. 完全不能動.
視頻是一個現場直播.
之後會有一位戴著面具的神秘人出現.

“Welcome all to the red room! Here we have a specimen in front of you waiting to have a makeover of the most gruesome kind! How will his fate end? His fate is in your hands”

之後彈出各種留言: $500打斷他的手臂! $1000剖他的眼睛出來!

最後價錢給最多的觀眾可以選擇他死亡的方式.

如果你search紅色房間professor pow pow和Marco體驗師的 ‘紅房’ 影片也出來. 其中Marco體驗師的影片已經大概解釋了紅色房間現象的一面. 就是下載所有link最後竟然播放這條Simpsons影片. 被確認這紅房網頁用途只是爲了騙Bitcoin.
説到Youtuber, 外國search ‘Red Room’ 連接到的Youtuber多位也有説曾發現過 ‘紅房.’ 雖然他們通常都不會有實質證據. 記錄上亦沒有警方發現過這些網頁.
但其實黑網發現紅色房間個案也有幾個.

紅色房間的概念來自2000年頭日本Pop up網頁 ‘Do you like—?’ 一個紅色背景傳有詛咒的網絡遊戲. 有指導至當時2004年11歳的日本女學生殺死自己12歳同學.


現實中網路的發展: 好像網上找到的恐怖分子斬首影片和對於暗網的興趣增加,令到紅色房間的事件變成好像是真的一樣.

A.L.I.C.I.A

2015年社交媒體發生一點動盪.
一個的真正 ‘紅房’ A.L.I.C.I.A出現. A.L.I.C.I.A網站主頁有一段葡萄亞文, “call me, show it live, show your fear and weakness” 底下有一個時間計時. 相信是倒數直播的開始. 有網友指, 計時完畢後只聽到一些雜聲. 當中還有尖叫的聲音. 但其他什麼也看不到.

Bacon Room

同年傳聞一個觀看恐怖分子斬首的紅色房間Bacon room在暗網出現. 該網頁宣傳自己為捕獲幾位ISIS 恐怖分子. 並會將他們折磨然後殺死.
這段影片是真的有出現. 影片開頭的4分鐘我們看到一個被mung住頭的人坐在一個黑暗房間的角落. 相信這一位就是該恐怖分子. 到大約7分鐘的時候一個男人走進房間命令恐怖分子不停上下上下的動. 到了12分鐘的時候該男人拿一盤燻肉走進房間?面. 然後把燻肉掉向恐怖分子. 差不多到15分鐘的時候該男人將一些工具放在桌上. 最後男人拿起桌上的錘子. 正想攻擊時, 畫面cut out. 畫面回來後可以看到恐怖分子在吐血.完片.

真實戀童影片

之後揭發Bacon Room跟之前的A.L.I.C.I.A一樣, 是惡作劇. 那為什麼5年之後的今天還有人相信紅色房間這個東西是真的呢? 我之前拍有關暗網Peter Scully的戀童影片很多人標籤他拍的影片是 ‘紅房.’ 但沒有直播, 沒有現場觀眾互動, 沒有紅色的房間. 只是有一般能在暗網找到的噁心戀童片. 所以不算是.

結論

所以紅色房間一定是假的嗎? 都市傳說? 小道消息? 嚇嚇小孩的東西嗎? 我覺得Youtuber someordinarygamers講得最好: 真實的紅色房間唯一進入的方法是在暗網直播Chatroom?面一個該房間的會員給你進入的Link. 之後你看到的東西是不可以說出去的. 一, 因為是非法東西, 你就算只是看看也可能有罪. 二, 你說出去, 他們的人可能把你當作為下一個show的主角.

所以如果我, 暗網仔真的有去過這個房間, 我又會跟你講嗎?

2016聖誕妝～ 今年是超閃的派對聖誕亮片妝

很特別的眼妝
加了美麗的星星亮片在眼尾

用法很簡單 而且加了這個馬上就變
眾人矚目的對象了啦 !!!
亮片一般文具店都有賣
去派對超適合
一起來學學怎麼畫吧 !


產品使用：
VISEE蜜粉
TONYMOLY閃亮女神DD霜 01號
LA Girl 專業亮顏遮瑕筆刷 GC972 Natural
THE FACE SHOP 設計師眉刷筆 灰棕
Bbia 超持久抗暈柔細眼線液筆 酒紅色
ANNA SUI 金色亮粉唇蜜
Makeup Geek Eyeshadow Pigments- 色號Utopia
Body Glitters 金色身體用亮粉
銀色星星亮片- 九乘九文具行購入
Sleek 三色腮紅盤 色號Lace
BECCA Highlighter 色號Moonstone
MAC唇膏- Diva

** 隱形眼鏡是 Decorative Eyes的混血灰
屈臣氏購入！


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