關於 office building中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

〔頭盔王招聘Digital Marketer／店務助理／文書助理〕
頭盔王電單車
去年全港電單車架數增長數目近10000架，作為少數在疫情下逆市擴展的行業，我們正積極擴充業務並急需新血加入！如果你熱愛電單車，希望將這份熱誠分享給更多初次接觸電單車的人，歡迎你加入頭盔王的團隊成為我們的一份子，保障更多騎士行車安全之餘，令更多人愛上駕駛電單車的樂趣！

〔Digital Marketer〕

Work location: Sheung Wan/ Yau Ma Tei
Salary: 22K +, negotiable based on experience
5 Days work

Key Responsibilities:

－Responsible for increasing online sales through connecting with the right audiences, design and execute creative campaigns and continuously improving UI and UX.
－Handle weekly advertising (Digital Marketing) and Commercial strategies
－Lead and plans in brand strategy and providing strategic solutions in fast-paced environment
－Review business priorities, practical solution to business problems proactively
－Work closely with the creative and production team of 50 people.
－Analyse, design, implement lead generation systems on website
－Design and implement Loyalty Program and reduce Abandon Carts
－Conduct user research, user testing, AB testing to optimize customer experience
－Analyze user journey to understand motivation, expose pain points, issues and improvement opportunities
－Responsible for planning, budgeting, executing, monitoring promotion plans to boost business growth.
50% work on general marketing, 50% work on UI/UX

To be successful in this role you will exemplify our CORE values and:

－Degree in Marketing, Journalism, Communications is preferred
5+ years marketing experience at agencies or in-house is preferred
－Experience in Shopify is a bonus
－Strong market business sense and well knowing of the market
－Experience in marketing plans and brand building activities including social media, search engine, digital and media planning
－Strong analytic with good presentation and communication skills, and able to work under pressure
－Excellent command of written and spoken English and Chinese
－Be proactive approach, with extreme confidence in taking ownership of your work and the results it drives
－Attention to detail, consistency and accuracy
－Last but not least, you should be a motorcycle enthusiast and able to share the joy of riding to your audience!

Interested candidate please send your CV to info@helmetking.com

〔店務助理〕

店員（12K - 18K，另有花紅，視乎經驗）

基本要求

－有上進心，肯搏肯捱
－做事細心、有條理
－喜歡與人溝通
－有零售經驗
－有興趣了解電單車
－親善有禮、成熟穩重、主動進取

工作內容

－負責店面日常運作，包括銷售／鋪面上架
－和各間供應商聯繫
－回覆客人查詢

學歷及技能要求

－中五畢業，年齡性別不限
－兩年或以上工作經驗
－中文打字，良好粵語，一般英語及普通話
－通曉普通話、英文優先

工作詳情

－5天半輪更工作、需要周六、周日及假日工作，每天工作10小時
－長短周（可彈性調配）
－勞工假期

員工福利

－醫療保險
－交通津貼
－12天有薪年假
－員工進修資助
－有薪病假﹑婚假、恩恤假
－員工購物優惠

工作地點

－油麻地

如果你自問對人唔生外，鐘意同一班同樣熱愛電單車好玩的同事相處，歡迎聯絡我們！請將簡單的CV email到info@helmetking.com期待你的加入！

〔文書助理〕
〔Administrative Officer/ Administrative Assistant〕

Job Description
－Prepare invoicing
－Execution and monitoring of all regular purchasing duties
－Review payments and receipt transactions
－Prepare company secretarial documents
－Provide clerical and administrative support to the office team
－Assist in ad-hoc job assignments, Pick up and deliver documents.
－Coordinate with team and suppliers in the purchasing scope of work
－Maintain complete and updated purchasing records/data and pricing in the system
－Book Keeping and Data Entry

Requirements:
－Higher Diploma, Associate Degree or above in Business
－Administration or other related disciplines
－1-3 years’ experience in administrative field
－Responsible, good team player, detailed-oriented and organised
－Proficiency in MS Office applications and Chinese Word Processing
－Good command of both written and spoken English and Chinese
－Candidates with more experience and qualifications will be considered as Administration Officer
－Holder of a valid HK driving license (Class 3, 22) is preferred
－Fresh graduates will be considered

We offer competitive remuneration package and comprehensive fringe benefits including:
－5-day work per week
－Discretionary Performance Bonus
－Marriage Leave
－Annual Company Trip
－Staff Shopping Discount
－9 Days Annual Leave
－To embrace the idea of work-life balance, we also endeavor to create a fun and enjoyable environment for our team members.
Interested candidates please apply with FULL RESUME with SALARY EXPECTATION and AVAILABILITY. Please send your CV to info@helmetking.com

美國國家中文領航項目台灣中心，上周在醫學館揭幕。明年將會有來自美國的大學生，來到陽明大學學習中文與專業研究領域。這項計畫是美國國家級重點教育計畫，隸屬於美國國防語言與國家安全教育辦公室，目的是使美國大學生具備雙語能力，培養菁英人才。

在司徒文副校長的促成下，這項計畫首度在陽明大學，不僅提升陽明大學的國際化，同時也彰顯台灣能協助世界的角色。

#美國國家中文領航

Photo: 祕書室

The Office of U.S. Language Flagship Overseas Center in Taiwan was opened last week at Medical Building. There will be several students from United States to study Chinese and other programs in NYMU next year. This project, organized by the Defense Language and National Security Education Office and has become an important educational project in US, aims to train bilingual professionals.

By the supports from vice president William “Bill” Stanton, this project launches first time in NYMU and help us create international campus, meanwhile, show Taiwan has abilities to help other countries in the world.

#Flagship

Photo: Secretariat Office

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

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本影片是哲哲跟泰語語言學校ALA合作的開箱影片，語言學校學校位在曼谷的中心，今天哲哲要跟大家一起看ALA的整體環境，上課方式，還有怎麽透過學校申請學生簽證！

▌ALA 聯繫資訊

Website: https://bit.ly/33iloXX
Email: admin@asokelanguage.com
TEL: +66972288178
Address: 10/32, Floor 1A, Trendy Office Building, Soi Sukhumvit 13, Sukhumvit Road, Klongton, Klongtoey, Bangkok 10110

▌追蹤哲哲

Instagram：http://www.instagram.com/jerstylesCH
Facebook：http://www.facebook.com/JerStylesCH

▌合作聯繫哲哲

Contactjerjer@gmail.com

▌製作團隊

🔻內容團隊
哲的媒體工作室 Jer de Media
企劃與撰稿 👉 哲哲
中泰字幕 👉 Jer de Media

🔻影像團隊
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合作信箱 👉 Neil20170614@gmail.com

#哲哲 #泰國 #曼谷 #泰文小學堂

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Girl in her 20s. Living in Hong Kong, working a full time office job in Marketing and making YouTube videos on the side. Also a Certified Advanced Personal Trainer.
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