今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓,題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿:
It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:
//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.
Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…
In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.
Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.
Thank you very much!//
Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!
Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
pre-existing中文 在 無神論者的巴別塔 Facebook 的最佳解答
中大學生事務處處長梁汝照表示「港獨」違反法例、不符合中大立場。
中大學生事務處處長梁汝照表示「港獨」違反法例、不符合中大立場。
中大學生事務處處長梁汝照表示「港獨」違反法例、不符合中大立場。
張貼港獨海報幾時變咗違法!?民主牆同文化廣場係學生會自治範圍,關你EMO立場叉事?
也不要批評那個亂撕民主牆海報、覺得自己「有權」的內地生了,就連中大員工,其實對於「法治」,其實也是不甚了了
【突發】
校方擬將強行清拆於文化廣場懸掛之香港獨立橫額,請同學儘快前來支援。
【即時更新】
1515
中大學生事務處處長梁汝照表示「港獨」違反法例、不符合中大立場。亦將會派保安越權拆除掛於中大學生會轄下文化廣場之「香港獨立」橫額。
1540
中大學生會會長收到師生中心管理委員會秘書發出之信件
1700
民主牆貼上師生中心管理委員會學生代表聲明及師生中心管理委員會學生代表致師生中心管理委員會之公開信
==================================================
【師生中心管理委員會學生代表聲明】
文化廣場一直是中大人聚集關心時弊的地方,由中國民運、反對大學四改三、保樹立人、哭中大、到雨傘罷課,昔日如是今日也要如是。
然校方於開學日早上,在未經學生會同意的情況下,擅自拆去懸掛在文化廣場的標語橫額。
我們甚為不解「HK INDEPENDENCE」何敏感之有,大學與社會本來就不可分割,身為知識份子關心社會更是應有之義,中大作為重視全人教育的高等學府,更應廣開學術討論之門,供學子討論我城我家的未來。
我們認為校方今次的措舉於理不合、有欠妥當,並對此深感遺憾。我們在此促請校方尊重學生會的獨立自主,對於師生中心管理委員會委託學生會管理的文化廣場,要相信學生會有足夠能力自行管理,而非在毫無規章理據下粗暴干預學生會的自主事務,親手消滅員生共治校園的共識和默契。
願文化廣場歸於富有人文關懷的中大,也歸於每一個不倦於追求公義的中大人。
香港中文大學師生中心管理委員會學生代表
【Statement of Student Repersentatives to the Staff-Student Center Management Committee】
Cultural Plaza is the place in which members of the University gather and discuss current issues over a prolonged period of time. Ranging from the China democracy movement, Class boycott against post-secondary education reform in the 80s, Tree protection campaign and “Cry CU” campaign against internationalization in mid-00s, to the Umbrella Class Boycott, it has always been such a place, and should remain unchanged.
Yet the University management has removed a banner without permission of the Student Union on the commerce day of the academic year.
We cannot understand the reason why the slogan “HK INDEPENDENCE” is so sensitive, since the University could never stand alone from the society, and it is our responsibilities as well educated citizens to be aware of social issues. The University, as a higher education institution promoting whole-person development, should be open-minded towards the academic discussion on the future of our city and our home.
We are of opinion that the action took by the University is not appropriate, and we would like to express our deep regret at such action. We hereby urge the University to respect the autonomy of the Student Union, especially in terms of the management of the Cultural Plaza, as authorized by the Staff-Student Center Management Committee. The University should be of full confidence that the Student Union is capable to manage the Plaza properly, instead of conducting rude intervention which destroy the pre-existing consensus and mutual understanding between the University and the Student Union.
May the Cultural Plaza be with the University of humanistic spirit, and also be with members of the University who never rest in the justice-seeking journey.
Student Repersentatives to the Staff-Student Center Management Committee
==================================================
【師生中心管理委員會學生代表致師生中心管理委員會之公開信】
師生中心管理委員會
秘書 溫滴霖女士:
有關於文化廣場懸掛的橫額
頃悉學生會會長於今晨接獲 台端以委員會秘書身份發信警告,信中內容指近日於文化廣場懸掛的橫額違反管理守則、大學立場及香港法律。就此,台端可否告知各學生代表:
一、為何學生代表在事前未獲任何知會或諮詢?大學有否尊重身為委員會成員的學生代表?
二、具體而言,該等橫額是違反管理守則或香港法律的何條文?大學又是如何判斷違章與否?
三、何條文規定文化廣場的使用須符合「大學立場」?若是如此,若學生會在廣場就校政展示與「大學立場」相違的物品又會否遭受警告?
由於此事茲事體大,敬請 台端早日示覆為荷。
師生中心管理委員會
學生代表 謹啓
二零一七年九月五日
pre-existing中文 在 Kai Chi Leung 梁啟智 Facebook 的精選貼文
請問講香港獨立是違反了什麼香港法律?中文大學要管這個也得找個合理一點的理由吧⋯⋯
【突發】
校方擬將強行清拆於文化廣場懸掛之香港獨立橫額,請同學儘快前來支援。
【即時更新】
1515
中大學生事務處處長梁汝照表示「港獨」違反法例、不符合中大立場。亦將會派保安越權拆除掛於中大學生會轄下文化廣場之「香港獨立」橫額。
1540
中大學生會會長收到師生中心管理委員會秘書發出之信件
1700
民主牆貼上師生中心管理委員會學生代表聲明及師生中心管理委員會學生代表致師生中心管理委員會之公開信
==================================================
【師生中心管理委員會學生代表聲明】
文化廣場一直是中大人聚集關心時弊的地方,由中國民運、反對大學四改三、保樹立人、哭中大、到雨傘罷課,昔日如是今日也要如是。
然校方於開學日早上,在未經學生會同意的情況下,擅自拆去懸掛在文化廣場的標語橫額。
我們甚為不解「HK INDEPENDENCE」何敏感之有,大學與社會本來就不可分割,身為知識份子關心社會更是應有之義,中大作為重視全人教育的高等學府,更應廣開學術討論之門,供學子討論我城我家的未來。
我們認為校方今次的措舉於理不合、有欠妥當,並對此深感遺憾。我們在此促請校方尊重學生會的獨立自主,對於師生中心管理委員會委託學生會管理的文化廣場,要相信學生會有足夠能力自行管理,而非在毫無規章理據下粗暴干預學生會的自主事務,親手消滅員生共治校園的共識和默契。
願文化廣場歸於富有人文關懷的中大,也歸於每一個不倦於追求公義的中大人。
香港中文大學師生中心管理委員會學生代表
【Statement of Student Repersentatives to the Staff-Student Center Management Committee】
Cultural Plaza is the place in which members of the University gather and discuss current issues over a prolonged period of time. Ranging from the China democracy movement, Class boycott against post-secondary education reform in the 80s, Tree protection campaign and “Cry CU” campaign against internationalization in mid-00s, to the Umbrella Class Boycott, it has always been such a place, and should remain unchanged.
Yet the University management has removed a banner without permission of the Student Union on the commerce day of the academic year.
We cannot understand the reason why the slogan “HK INDEPENDENCE” is so sensitive, since the University could never stand alone from the society, and it is our responsibilities as well educated citizens to be aware of social issues. The University, as a higher education institution promoting whole-person development, should be open-minded towards the academic discussion on the future of our city and our home.
We are of opinion that the action took by the University is not appropriate, and we would like to express our deep regret at such action. We hereby urge the University to respect the autonomy of the Student Union, especially in terms of the management of the Cultural Plaza, as authorized by the Staff-Student Center Management Committee. The University should be of full confidence that the Student Union is capable to manage the Plaza properly, instead of conducting rude intervention which destroy the pre-existing consensus and mutual understanding between the University and the Student Union.
May the Cultural Plaza be with the University of humanistic spirit, and also be with members of the University who never rest in the justice-seeking journey.
Student Repersentatives to the Staff-Student Center Management Committee
==================================================
【師生中心管理委員會學生代表致師生中心管理委員會之公開信】
師生中心管理委員會
秘書 溫滴霖女士:
有關於文化廣場懸掛的橫額
頃悉學生會會長於今晨接獲 台端以委員會秘書身份發信警告,信中內容指近日於文化廣場懸掛的橫額違反管理守則、大學立場及香港法律。就此,台端可否告知各學生代表:
一、為何學生代表在事前未獲任何知會或諮詢?大學有否尊重身為委員會成員的學生代表?
二、具體而言,該等橫額是違反管理守則或香港法律的何條文?大學又是如何判斷違章與否?
三、何條文規定文化廣場的使用須符合「大學立場」?若是如此,若學生會在廣場就校政展示與「大學立場」相違的物品又會否遭受警告?
由於此事茲事體大,敬請 台端早日示覆為荷。
師生中心管理委員會
學生代表 謹啓
二零一七年九月五日
pre-existing中文 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最讚貼文
pre-existing中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳貼文
pre-existing中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳解答
pre-existing中文 在 pre-existing condition - Linguee | 中英词典(更多其他语言) 的相關結果
大量翻译例句关于"pre-existing condition" – 英中词典以及8百万条中文译文例句搜索。 ... <看更多>
pre-existing中文 在 pre-existing-翻译为中文-例句英语 的相關結果
使用Reverso Context: pre-existing conditions,在英语-中文情境中翻译"pre-existing" ... <看更多>
pre-existing中文 在 pre-existing中文(繁體)翻譯:劍橋詞典 的相關結果
7 天前 — pre-existing 在英語-中文(繁體)詞典中的翻譯. pre-existing. adjective. ... <看更多>