【前港督彭定康錄影發言 促香港政府撤回修訂逃犯條例】
「我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。」
發言英文紀錄及中文翻譯:
Former Hong Kong Governor Lord Chris Patten video message Transcript
I know that this week in Hong Kong, thousands of people will be making their views clear, demonstrating against the proposals on extradition, which the government has put forward, extradition to China. It’s a proposal, or a set of proposals, which strike a terrible blow - I think - and so, I think to most people in Hong Kong and so does the international community, against the rule of law, against Hong Kong’s stability and security, against Hong Kong’s position as a great international trading hub. And the surprise is that the government in Hong Kong doesn’t seem to understand that. It does make you wonder sometimes who actually runs Hong Kong these days: is it the Hong Kong government or is it the joint liaison office acting on behalf of the communist regime in Beijing?
Why is this important? Well it’s the latest in a number of things that have happened in recent years which have tightened Beijing’s grip on Hong Kong, and which have profoundly worried people. I think for ten or a dozen years after 1997, things in Hong Kong went pretty well. Of course they could have gone better, I’m sorry that Beijing throttled the development of democracy, much against the promises that have been made earlier. But by and large, I think, Hong Kong remained a very free and successful society.
But ever since the regime in Beijing started to roll back Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and the developments that have taken place under Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji and Hu Jintao, and Wen Jiabao; ever since then, with the Party taking control over everything, cracking down on dissidents, cracking down on human rights, locking people up, incarcerating them in Xinjiang and so on. Ever since then, we know that Beijing has also been tightening its grip, or trying to, in Hong Kong. And I think that the latest proposals on extradition are an example of that.
Now a lot of very spurious arguments are put forward, it said that the present situation is a “loophole” which needs to be filled up - that’s absolute nonsense. People have known exactly why there shouldn’t be an extradition agreement with China for years, and many of the arguments put for the government’s proposals don’t actually pass the laugh-off-your-seat test. The argument that, well, it’s better to have an extradition treaty than to abduct people illegally from Hong Kong - are people really supposed to believe that?
Except for, but of course, Western democracies in Europe have extradition agreements with China, but they’re in a very different position to the position that Hong Kong is in. The reason why international chambers of commerce, why lawyers, why business around the world, why governments have raised their objections is very simple: because what these proposals do is to remove the firewall between Hong Kong’s rule of law and the idea of law - which prevails in Communist China - an idea of law where there aren’t any independent courts, where the courts and the security services and the party’s rules - which are, sometimes, pretty obscure - are rolled altogether. That’s why we’ve seen recently Canadian citizens that are locked up are taken as if it were hostage against things happening in Canada itself under the rule of law there. So it’s not surprising that people are so worried about what is happening.
I know that when people talk about the particular problem in relation to Taiwan, the leaders of the Hong Kong Bar Association over the last few years, I think a dozen of them, have put forward proposals which show how you could deal with that issue building on the existing common law.
So these proposals are bad for Hong Kong, they - I think - raise all sorts of questions which the government hasn’t even thought through, not least about Hong Kong’s economic importance and economic stability. We know very well that Hong Kong needs to be treated separately in economic and commercial matters from the rest of China. When I was governor a long time ago, I used to travel to Washington fairly regularly to argue the case for treating Hong Kong differently from, say, Shenzhen and Shanghai. But if you appear to be regarding Hong Kong from Beijing as though it was just another China city, then sooner or later, economic governments around the world, businesses around the world, when they’re looking even at things like the Belt and Road Initiative, they’re going to regard Hong Kong as just another part of China, and that would be really bad for the standard of living, for the quality of life in Hong Kong!
Above all, of course, if we go ahead, if the government goes ahead with this extradition agreement, it will cause unnecessary worries and anxieties in Hong Kong. That’s a really bad thing. I hope that even at this late stage, the government will back off and leave well alone. It doesn’t have to happen, it shouldn’t happen, and Hong Kong should carry on as a free society, under the rule of law, without having to worry about this extradition.
前港督彭定康錄影講話翻譯
我知道這星期在香港,成千上萬的人將會到街上遊行表達自己的意見,反對政府所提出將會容許引渡到中國的引渡修例建議。這是一項,或者應該說是一系列我及國際社會認為將會對香港的法治、香港的穩定和社會安全造成很大打擊的建議,它將會嚴重傷害香港作為一個國際貿易中心的地位。令人驚訝的是,香港政府似乎並不理解這一點。這確實令人懷疑這些日子究竟是誰在管治香港:是香港政府還是代表北京共產黨政權的中聯辦?
為甚麼這修例是這麼重要?這是近年來發生的一系列容許北京強行控制香港的事件之一,而這一直以來都讓人深感憂慮。我覺得在1997年之後的十年至十幾年,香港的情況進展尚算順利。當然,是本來可以更好,我很遺憾北京扼殺了香港民主的發展,違背了之前所作出的承諾。但總的來說,香港在那個時候仍然是一個非常自由和成功的社會。
但是,自北京政權開始推翻鄧小平的改革以及在江澤民、朱熔基、胡錦濤和溫家寶時期所推行的發展以後,共產黨控制着一切,打擊持不同政見的人,打擊人權,在新疆把人民關押等等。從那時起,我們就知道北京一直在試圖加緊控制香港。我認為最新的引渡建議就是一個例子。
現在香港政府提出了許多非常虛假的論點,它說目前的情況是展現了一個需要填補的「洞」,這絕對是胡說八道。大家多年來都確切地清楚知道不應該與中國達成引渡協議的原因。而政府提出的許多論點實際上也沒有一個不令你拍案大笑。政府認為制定引渡條約比從香港非法綁架人民更好,你認真覺得人們應該相信這個說法嗎?
當然他們又會說歐洲的西方民主國家與中國已經簽訂了引渡協議,但它們與香港根本處於完全不同的地位。國際商會、律師、商人及各國政府之所以提出反對意見的原因非常簡單:因為這些修例將會摧毀香港法治與中國共產黨的法治概念之間的防火牆。中國的法律觀念不包括任何獨立的法院,並把法院、國安部門以及黨的規則 (黨規則亦有時相當模糊)完全混在一起。這就是為甚麼我們最近看到被關起來的加拿大公民被用為人質,反對加拿大本身在她自己國家的法治下所發生的事情。因此,人們如此擔心這修例所帶來的影響並不奇怪。
我知道當人們都正在談到與台灣有關的問題之際,過去幾年的香港大律師公會領導人,應該是有十幾位,都已經提出意見,說明你如何就着香港現行的普通法來處理這個問題。
這些修例對香港不利,我認為這些修例所引發的疑問是甚至政府都沒有仔細考慮過的,尤其是對香港經濟重要性和經濟穩定性的影響。我們非常清楚在經濟和商業方面是需要把香港與中國其他地區分開對待。很久以前,當我還是港督的時候,我經常前往華盛頓游說對方看待香港的時候要跟對待深圳和上海之類的中國城市有所不同。但是如果以北京的角度看香港,將香港當為另一個普通中國城市,那麼世界各地的政府及企業將會視香港為中國的一部分(而不是特區),就算是看待「一帶一路」之類倡議時亦會是如此。這對香港的生活水平和生活質素都是非常不利的!
當然,最重要的是如果香港政府繼續硬推這些引渡修例,這將會在香港引起不必要的憂慮和焦慮。這些都是非常糟糕的事情。我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。
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【前港督彭定康錄影發言 促香港政府撤回修訂逃犯條例】
「我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。」
發言英文紀錄及中文翻譯:
Former Hong Kong Governor Lord Chris Patten video message Transcript
I know that this week in Hong Kong, thousands of people will be making their views clear, demonstrating against the proposals on extradition, which the government has put forward, extradition to China. It’s a proposal, or a set of proposals, which strike a terrible blow - I think - and so, I think to most people in Hong Kong and so does the international community, against the rule of law, against Hong Kong’s stability and security, against Hong Kong’s position as a great international trading hub. And the surprise is that the government in Hong Kong doesn’t seem to understand that. It does make you wonder sometimes who actually runs Hong Kong these days: is it the Hong Kong government or is it the joint liaison office acting on behalf of the communist regime in Beijing?
Why is this important? Well it’s the latest in a number of things that have happened in recent years which have tightened Beijing’s grip on Hong Kong, and which have profoundly worried people. I think for ten or a dozen years after 1997, things in Hong Kong went pretty well. Of course they could have gone better, I’m sorry that Beijing throttled the development of democracy, much against the promises that have been made earlier. But by and large, I think, Hong Kong remained a very free and successful society.
But ever since the regime in Beijing started to roll back Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and the developments that have taken place under Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji and Hu Jintao, and Wen Jiabao; ever since then, with the Party taking control over everything, cracking down on dissidents, cracking down on human rights, locking people up, incarcerating them in Xinjiang and so on. Ever since then, we know that Beijing has also been tightening its grip, or trying to, in Hong Kong. And I think that the latest proposals on extradition are an example of that.
Now a lot of very spurious arguments are put forward, it said that the present situation is a “loophole” which needs to be filled up - that’s absolute nonsense. People have known exactly why there shouldn’t be an extradition agreement with China for years, and many of the arguments put for the government’s proposals don’t actually pass the laugh-off-your-seat test. The argument that, well, it’s better to have an extradition treaty than to abduct people illegally from Hong Kong - are people really supposed to believe that?
Except for, but of course, Western democracies in Europe have extradition agreements with China, but they’re in a very different position to the position that Hong Kong is in. The reason why international chambers of commerce, why lawyers, why business around the world, why governments have raised their objections is very simple: because what these proposals do is to remove the firewall between Hong Kong’s rule of law and the idea of law - which prevails in Communist China - an idea of law where there aren’t any independent courts, where the courts and the security services and the party’s rules - which are, sometimes, pretty obscure - are rolled altogether. That’s why we’ve seen recently Canadian citizens that are locked up are taken as if it were hostage against things happening in Canada itself under the rule of law there. So it’s not surprising that people are so worried about what is happening.
I know that when people talk about the particular problem in relation to Taiwan, the leaders of the Hong Kong Bar Association over the last few years, I think a dozen of them, have put forward proposals which show how you could deal with that issue building on the existing common law.
So these proposals are bad for Hong Kong, they - I think - raise all sorts of questions which the government hasn’t even thought through, not least about Hong Kong’s economic importance and economic stability. We know very well that Hong Kong needs to be treated separately in economic and commercial matters from the rest of China. When I was governor a long time ago, I used to travel to Washington fairly regularly to argue the case for treating Hong Kong differently from, say, Shenzhen and Shanghai. But if you appear to be regarding Hong Kong from Beijing as though it was just another China city, then sooner or later, economic governments around the world, businesses around the world, when they’re looking even at things like the Belt and Road Initiative, they’re going to regard Hong Kong as just another part of China, and that would be really bad for the standard of living, for the quality of life in Hong Kong!
Above all, of course, if we go ahead, if the government goes ahead with this extradition agreement, it will cause unnecessary worries and anxieties in Hong Kong. That’s a really bad thing. I hope that even at this late stage, the government will back off and leave well alone. It doesn’t have to happen, it shouldn’t happen, and Hong Kong should carry on as a free society, under the rule of law, without having to worry about this extradition.
前港督彭定康錄影講話翻譯
我知道這星期在香港,成千上萬的人將會到街上遊行表達自己的意見,反對政府所提出將會容許引渡到中國的引渡修例建議。這是一項,或者應該說是一系列我及國際社會認為將會對香港的法治、香港的穩定和社會安全造成很大打擊的建議,它將會嚴重傷害香港作為一個國際貿易中心的地位。令人驚訝的是,香港政府似乎並不理解這一點。這確實令人懷疑這些日子究竟是誰在管治香港:是香港政府還是代表北京共產黨政權的中聯辦?
為甚麼這修例是這麼重要?這是近年來發生的一系列容許北京強行控制香港的事件之一,而這一直以來都讓人深感憂慮。我覺得在1997年之後的十年至十幾年,香港的情況進展尚算順利。當然,是本來可以更好,我很遺憾北京扼殺了香港民主的發展,違背了之前所作出的承諾。但總的來說,香港在那個時候仍然是一個非常自由和成功的社會。
但是,自北京政權開始推翻鄧小平的改革以及在江澤民、朱熔基、胡錦濤和溫家寶時期所推行的發展以後,共產黨控制着一切,打擊持不同政見的人,打擊人權,在新疆把人民關押等等。從那時起,我們就知道北京一直在試圖加緊控制香港。我認為最新的引渡建議就是一個例子。
現在香港政府提出了許多非常虛假的論點,它說目前的情況是展現了一個需要填補的「洞」,這絕對是胡說八道。大家多年來都確切地清楚知道不應該與中國達成引渡協議的原因。而政府提出的許多論點實際上也沒有一個不令你拍案大笑。政府認為制定引渡條約比從香港非法綁架人民更好,你認真覺得人們應該相信這個說法嗎?
當然他們又會說歐洲的西方民主國家與中國已經簽訂了引渡協議,但它們與香港根本處於完全不同的地位。國際商會、律師、商人及各國政府之所以提出反對意見的原因非常簡單:因為這些修例將會摧毀香港法治與中國共產黨的法治概念之間的防火牆。中國的法律觀念不包括任何獨立的法院,並把法院、國安部門以及黨的規則 (黨規則亦有時相當模糊)完全混在一起。這就是為甚麼我們最近看到被關起來的加拿大公民被用為人質,反對加拿大本身在她自己國家的法治下所發生的事情。因此,人們如此擔心這修例所帶來的影響並不奇怪。
我知道當人們都正在談到與台灣有關的問題之際,過去幾年的香港大律師公會領導人,應該是有十幾位,都已經提出意見,說明你如何就着香港現行的普通法來處理這個問題。
這些修例對香港不利,我認為這些修例所引發的疑問是甚至政府都沒有仔細考慮過的,尤其是對香港經濟重要性和經濟穩定性的影響。我們非常清楚在經濟和商業方面是需要把香港與中國其他地區分開對待。很久以前,當我還是港督的時候,我經常前往華盛頓游說對方看待香港的時候要跟對待深圳和上海之類的中國城市有所不同。但是如果以北京的角度看香港,將香港當為另一個普通中國城市,那麼世界各地的政府及企業將會視香港為中國的一部分(而不是特區),就算是看待「一帶一路」之類倡議時亦會是如此。這對香港的生活水平和生活質素都是非常不利的!
當然,最重要的是如果香港政府繼續硬推這些引渡修例,這將會在香港引起不必要的憂慮和焦慮。這些都是非常糟糕的事情。我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。
profoundly中文 在 北歐心科學 NordicHearts Facebook 的最讚貼文
以前在中大讀書的日子,偶爾在聯合書院會碰到高錕教授與師母在散步。小小書生,遇到德高望重的諾貝爾獎得主,自是很興奮。我怕打擾教授,所以都沒有跟他拍照,只是打打招呼,不過同學和他拍照,他也會很高興。有時,我們對他微笑,他也會熱情地笑,如同小孩天真爛漫的笑容。也許人成長了,就很難再有如此單純的笑容。那時年少,總想,腦退化症,誠然是傷痛的事,也令教授無法享受得獎的快樂,但最起碼,他換回了另一種快樂,也是一點安慰。
我認識高錕教授不多,但我無法忘記他的笑容。感謝你的貢獻,願你帶著這笑容到更美的地方。
【敬悼中大前校長及光纖之父高錕教授】
中大第三任校長、工程學榮譽講座教授及榮譽博士及諾貝爾物理學獎得主高錕教授大紫荊勳賢於9月23日離世,享年84歲。中大對高教授離世深感哀痛,並向高教授的家人致以深切慰問。
高教授於1966年首度提出光導纖維在通訊上應用的基本原理,促成互聯網的出現。高教授於1970年出任中大新成立的電子學系(現稱電子工程學系)教授兼系主任,並為中大首位電子學講座教授;1985年獲頒授榮譽理學博士銜,1987年至1996年出任中大校長。高教授榮休後,一直擔任中大工程學榮譽講座教授。
中大校長段崇智教授表示:「高教授是出類拔萃的學者,也是高等教育界高瞻遠矚的領袖,他作為中大第三任校長,在任內積極推動中大整體發展,建立穩固基礎,為有才之士開拓發展空間,成就超卓。高教授於科研方面亦力求創新,矢志追求卓越,其於光纖方面的研究,促成互聯網發展,為人類通訊史寫下全新一頁。高教授的離世對中大及全球學術界均是重大損失。大學同人將銘記高教授對中大及全球的重大貢獻,我謹代表中大教職員、同學及校友向高教授的家人致以深切慰問。」詳情:bit.ly/2pt1Igm
中大將由明日起(24日)於校內設置弔唁區,供各界人士悼念高教授:
日期:由2018年9月24日至2018年10月24日
時間:
星期一至五 上午9時至晚上8時
星期六 上午9時至下午6時
星期日 下午1時至下午6時
地點:沙田香港中文大學本部大學展覽廳(位於大學圖書館正門出入口處)
交通:港鐵大學站A出口外設有穿梭校巴往返中央階梯
【In Memory of Professor Sir Charles K. Kao, former Vice-Chancellor of CUHK and Father of Fibre Optics】
Professor Sir Charles K. Kao, the third Vice-Chancellor, Honorary Professor of Engineering, and Doctor of Science, honoris causa, of The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), laureate of the Nobel Prize in Physics and Great Bauhinia Medallist passed away on 23 September 2018, at the age of 84. CUHK is profoundly saddened and conveys its deepest condolences to his family.
Professor Kao developed the principles of fibre optics in 1966, eventually ushering in the age of the internet. Professor Kao joined CUHK in 1970 as Reader and Chair of the then new Department of Electronics (later renamed to Department of Electronic Engineering), and appointed as the first Professor of Electronics. He was conferred the degree of Doctor of Science, honoris causa, by CUHK in 1985. He was Vice-Chancellor of CUHK from 1987-1996. Upon his retirement, Professor Kao was appointed Honorary Professor of Engineering.
Professor Rocky S. Tuan, Vice-Chancellor and President of CUHK, said, “Professor Kao was a brilliant scholar and visionary leader in higher education. As the third Vice-Chancellor, he spearheaded the advancement of CUHK in its formative years, laying down a fertile ground for the growth of talents, and made remarkable achievements during his tenure. His impeccable striving for excellence in science and technology led to his groundbreaking accomplishments in the area of fibre optics, which brought forth the development of the internet and opened a new page in the history of telecommunications. Professor Kao’s passing is a great loss to CUHK, Hong Kong, and global academia. All of us at CUHK will remember his immense contributions to the University and to the world. I sincerely offer our deepest condolences to Professor Kao’s family on behalf of the teachers, students and alumni of CUHK.” Details: bit.ly/2xJFUB1
A place for condolence will be set up in the campus for the public to sign in and record their messages of condolences to pay their last respects to Prof. Kao:
Date: From 24 September 2018 to 24 October 2018
Time:
Mondays to Fridays 9:00 am – 8:00 pm
Saturdays 9:00 am – 6:00 pm
Sundays: 1:00 pm – 6:00 pm
Venue: University Gallery, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin (located at the main entrance of the University Library)
Transportation: A shuttle bus running between MTR University Station (outside Exit A) and the Central Steps
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