出外辦事不過幾個小時光景,這個文化部委託公視的國際語音平台的計劃已經停了。我對執政黨的要求或許過高認為這個計劃的過程不夠嚴謹,但我對反對黨毫無意義扯後腿阻止台灣向前的行徑,極度厭惡。
//這麼多年來我努力評論,無非是想消除這種無意義的評論,將公共事務導引至制度化的方向,但是從台大到公視,我們的知識份子潛意識中依舊對於人治有著幽暗而隱微的偏好,轉型只能原地踏步,要花人十倍的力氣才能前進一小步,畢竟我們是心靈上的開發中國家。//
如果要問台灣在什麼地方給我開發中國家感受,瀏覽台灣大學或是公視等網站,絕對是感受最深刻的地方之一,這使得台灣許多爭議,總是如同輪迴,週而復始,看似許多媒體學者專家文化人與評論者,往往對於所發生的每一件事情,總有不同角度的深刻反思與評論,但是在我看來卻恰恰相反,這些評論猶如天竺鼠在跑步籠上的反思,或是哲學家在沙灘上的寫作,潮水一來,便一切成空。
我在管中閔競選台大校長爭議時曾說,該事件最應該負責的是台大的遴選委員會與校務會議,為什麼管中閔事件折損數名教育部長與耗費龐大社會資源彼此動員,最後卻一事無成、回到原點?
為什麼文化部委託公視製作外語新聞,會演變為爭議事件,至今人言人殊、莫衷一是?
仔細觀察台灣每隔一段時日,就會出現公共機構出現的各種爭議,但是事件過去之後,究竟在制度上有何改變?台大校長遴選爭議爆發之後,台大遴選委員會與校務會議麻木不仁,最終在葉俊榮辭職前,才順帶要求制定規則,不知是否已經足以避免下一次校長遴選的爭議?
當所有人都在批評台灣缺乏轉型,只會代工,過於強調硬體而疏於軟體時,殊不知這種文化的落後,其實根植在大多數台灣人的心中,即使是台灣最高學府的台灣大學師生都不例外。台灣人是心靈上的開發中國家。
比較台灣公視與加拿大CBC的網站,台灣公視在「公開資訊」中,有「董監事最新消息」、「經營報吿」、「監督機制」等資訊,但是對於本次公視的爭議,幾乎難以提供任何有效的行為準則。
加拿大CBC網站,則對此一清二楚,例如Program Policies中的1.1.1 CBC mandate,便提供此類事件的準則:
https://cbc.radio-canada.ca/…/programmi…/programming-mandate
例如:
(b) the Canadian broadcasting system, operating primarily in the English and French languages and comprising public, private and community elements, makes use of radio frequencies that are public properly and provides, through its programming, a public service essential to the maintenance and enhancement of national identity and cultural sovereignty;
(d)的第二點:
(ii) encourage the development of Canadian expression by providing a wide range of programming that reflects Canadian attitudes, opinions, ideas, values and artistic creativity, by displaying Canadian talent in programming and by offering information and analysis concerning Canada and other countries from a Canadian point view,
等等。
事實上不僅如此,在CBC governance中,提供了各種有用的相關訊息與準則:
https://cbc.radio-canada.ca/en/vision/governance
例如董事會的準則:
https://site-cbc.radio-canada.ca/…/board-directors-governan…
這麼多年來我努力評論,無非是想消除這種無意義的評論,將公共事務導引至制度化的方向,但是從台大到公視,我們的知識份子潛意識中依舊對於人治有著幽暗而隱微的偏好,轉型只能原地踏步,要花人十倍的力氣才能前進一小步,畢竟我們是心靈上的開發中國家。
properly相反 在 Claudia Mo/毛孟靜 Facebook 的最佳貼文
#此地無銀三百両
Don't protest too much =❓
不要過分抗議 ❌
不要此地無銀 ✅
—————-
#明報 英文 | 毛孟靜
//中文有一個七字成語:此地無銀三百両;以口語道來,常常會索性省掉最後三個字,就講「此地無銀」。
這成語來自民間故事,話說有個儍兮兮的人在院子掘洞,藏起了三百両銀子,卻又在坑上豎牌,寫明「此地無銀三百両」。
意思就是企圖隱瞞卻又欲蓋彌彰,說得太多做得太多,結果反而暴露了,自然顯得作賊心虛。
· Don't talk too much. You're giving yourself away. 不要說太多,你會泄露自己的心思。
這句話主要是勸人不要弄巧反拙,有一點點「不要此地無銀」的意思,但並非清楚對等。要用英文表達,可以說:
Don't protest too much.
不要過分抗議?錯。
不要此地無銀!對。
說一個人 protest too much,是認為此人 overly insistent about something, to the point where the opposite is most likely true,過分重複或堅持什麼,去到一個程度讓人覺得,其人所說的相反才是事實。
這個講法源自莎士比亞的《王子復仇記》(Hamlet ),原文是 The lady doth protest too much, me thinks。譯做現代英文,就是 I think the lady does protest too much。
今日仍然會有人在用 protest too much 表達「此地無銀」的意思,甚至拋出整句The lady doth protest too much, methinks,也許有拋書包之意,但也不必引以為怪。
· He simply protests too much. 他太過此地無銀、欲蓋彌彰了。
· He mentions at every opportunity how he loves his wife and didn't marry her for her money — me thinks he doth protest too much. 他一有機會就說自己多愛妻子,娶她並不因為她的錢——太此地無銀了。
· She keeps saying how much she hates gossiping, but I think she protests too much. 她老是說最不喜歡搬弄是非,但我覺得她不就是最喜歡搬弄是非的人。
新聞中也有類似例子:有自以為政治正確的人說,不應叫武漢肺炎,正名是新型冠狀病毒肺炎(世衛的COVID-19官方中文叫法其實是「2019冠狀病毒病」)。因為過分重複、過分強調,反而暴露了企圖抹煞疫症源自武漢的事實,就是此地無銀、欲蓋彌彰。· Beijing stooges say no Wuhan coronavirus. That it should be "properly"called novel coronavirus. They simply PROTEST TOO MUCH. 北京嘍囉說,沒有武漢肺炎。應該「正確」地叫新冠病毒。這些人也實在太此地無銀了。//
properly相反 在 Charles Mok 莫乃光 Facebook 的最讚貼文
【法政匯思就社會進一步動盪的聲明】
【Statement on Further Escalation of Social Unrest】
// 當體制構建不能保障市民應有的追索權,暴力兼「私了」必如落山流水跟著來,這已清晰可見。僅說無諾,何能「止暴制亂」?
// Where the system fails to provide proper recourse, vigilantism and violence proclaiming self-defence arise as simple cause and effect. Without any real commitment by the Government to de-escalate and defuse the political crisis, verbal condemnation and physical crackdown will do nothing to ‘stop violence and curb disorder’.
https://www.facebook.com/…/a.455221741311…/1474268236073377/
【法政匯思就社會進一步動盪的聲明】
【Statement on Further Escalation of Social Unrest】(Scroll for English)
1. 近日,警隊的行為就如國際特赦組織所言越見低劣。[1] 這皆因政府漠視其專家提供的建議,並以歇斯底里、毫無章法可言的策略回應持續的動盪。
2. 五個月來,政府持續容許以下情況發生,對警政問題及根本的政治危機藥石亂投:
a. 阻礙救護人員前往現場拯救傷者;[2]
b. 偏頗地處理強姦或酷刑對待被拘留人士的指控;[3]
c. 肆無忌憚地濫用武力;[4]
d. 以諸多藉口為警察的失控或報復行為辯解。[5]
3. 法政匯思強烈譴責警隊濫用武力,及其本末倒置、往往為社區添煩添亂的驅散示威者行動。警方在十一月十一日於香港中文大學(「中大」)、香港理工大學及香港大學等驅散非法集結及/或堵路行為的行動,指稱的事實根據惹人非議。[6] 在撰寫此聲明之時,警方甚至以催淚彈及橡膠子彈回應中大校長的善意,與學生發生激烈衝突,造成最少60人受傷及多人被捕。[7]
4. 歸根究底,現有的制度未能公正地調查涉及警務人員的刑事指控,乃是警民衝突的源頭。樂觀地看,這可能只是個別調查人員的疏忽;悲觀地看,這反映一種互相包庇的文化,可能已由員佐級警員到警務處處長、保安局局長甚至特首,滲透警隊及政府上下。無論是哪一個情況,這種警察橫行無忌的觀感已經令公眾對負責調查大部分罪行的警察的信任蕩然無存。這個缺口一開,刑事司法制度剩下非常有限的能力,處理失職警員。
5. 法政匯思繼續呼籲香港政府成立獨立調查委員會,調查包括六月份以來政府的治安管理手段。除了將肇事者繩之於法外,更重要的是全面檢閱香港警隊以達至結構上的改革。至今,特區政府對於這個明顯又實際的選擇不屑一顧,堅持讓一個缺乏監察權力的獨立監察警方處理投訴委員會(「監警會」)[8] 去調查警察投訴及內部調查科。這正正就是問題根源所在。
6. 監警會委派的國際專家組就這個問題發表《進展報告》。國際專家組與政府持相反意見。他們批評監警會在結構上欠缺全面調查權力,對監警會這一個輕型、監管式的體制是否能夠做出決定性的貢獻表示懷疑,更指出下一步的可能性諸如「委派一個享有所需權力的獨立調查機構以作更深程度及更廣泛的調查」,意味著一個獨立調查委員會。[9]
7. 對於近數星期暴力頻頻,政府沒有採取任何行動,只是堅拒示威者的訴求(包括成立獨立調查委員會),更稱他們為「人民的敵人」。[10] 警員們多月來非人化地濫稱示威者為「曱甴」。[11]
8. 法政匯思絕對不認同法外制裁。此立場於七月二十五日之聲明已表明。然而,當體制構建不能保障市民應有的追索權,暴力兼「私了」必如落山流水跟著來,這已清晰可見。僅說無諾,何能「止暴制亂」?
法政匯思
2019年11月15日
(PDF: https://tinyurl.com/tt2nzmr)
1. Police conduct has seen, in the words of Amnesty International, ‘another shocking low’ [1] in recent days as the Government ignored constructive feedback by its own experts and hysterically responded to the ongoing unrest without any rational strategy.
2. In particular, these allegations point to a wanton failure on the part of the Government to properly approach policing and the underlying political crisis, now in its 5th month:
a. Obstructing rescuers and ambulances from accessing the injured; [2]
b. Unfair handling of allegations of rape and torture in custody; [3]
c. Unapologetic excesses in its use of force; [4] and
d. Evasive defence of police officers acting impulsively or in retaliation. [5]
3. The Progressive Lawyers Group (the ‘PLG’) vehemently condemns the Police regarding their excessive use of force and dispersal operations which often create the chaos sought to be quelled. On 11 November, the police conducted operations in, amongst others, the Chinese University of Hong Kong (‘CUHK’), the Polytechnic University of Hong Kong and the University of Hong Kong to disperse unlawful assemblies and/or obstruction of traffic, [6] the factual basis of which has been doubted by many. As at the drafting of this Statement, as riot police responded to an olive branch by the CUHK Vice-Chancellor with tear gas and rubber bullets, severe clashes between students and riot police at CUHK are ongoing with at least 60 injured and dozens arrested. [7]
4. Nonetheless, the crux of the problem remains in the institutional failure to investigate criminal allegations involving police officers impartially. At best, it could be an omission by individual police officers in their execution of duty. At worst, it could be a culture that acquiesces and conceals wrongdoings affecting grassroot constables, the Commissioner of Police, the Secretary for Security and the Chief Executive alike. Whichever the case may be, this perception of impunity breaches the trust and confidence the public reposes in the police who are tasked with investigating most offences. With this link broken, there remains very limited recourse in the criminal justice system against rogue officers.
5. The PLG continues to call on the Hong Kong Government to appoint a Commission of Inquiry regarding, amongst others, the current approach to policing social unrest since June. Bringing wrongdoers to justice aside, the more important task is a holistic review on the Police Force and a roadmap to structural reforms. So far, the Government brushed aside this obvious and pragmatic option, insisting upon an inquiry by the Independent Police Complaints Council (‘IPCC’) [8] whose (lack of) oversight over the Complaints Against Police Office (‘CAPO’) is the very issue at the heart of the current saga.
6. Curiously, the International Expert Panel of the IPCC appointed for advice on that very inquiry seems to hold a contrary view. In their Position Statement Report of Progress, the experts pointed out ‘structural limitations in the scope and powers of the IPCC Inquiry’ and noted that ‘it remains to be seen whether a light touch, oversight body like the IPCC, can make sufficient progress to produce any decisive contribution…’ It also identified a possible next step such as ‘a deeper more comprehensive inquiry in a number of respects by an independent body with requisite powers’, alluding to a Commission of Inquiry. [9]
7. In response to the extraordinary brutalities these few weeks, the Government did nothing but maintain that it will not yield to the protesters’ demands (including an independent Commission of Inquiry) and call them ‘enemies of the people’. [10] It has not helped that the police have for months been blatantly using such a dehumanising term as ‘cockroaches’ to refer to protesters [11].
8. The PLG stands by our Statement on 25 July 2019 and does not encourage citizens to take justice into their own hands. However, it is obvious by now that where the system fails to provide proper recourse, vigilantism and violence proclaiming self-defence arise as simple cause and effect. Without any real commitment by the Government to de-escalate and defuse the political crisis, verbal condemnation and physical crackdown will do nothing to ‘stop violence and curb disorder’.
The Progressive Lawyers Group
15 November 2019
(PDF version: https://tinyurl.com/tt2nzmr)
properly相反 在 DIY |【宅水電】 的推薦與評價

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