關於 second act中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

［時事英文］蓬佩奧向台灣總統致意
　
Congratulations to President Tsai and the people of Taiwan for our hard-earned freedom and democracy!
　
祝賀蔡總統與臺灣人民得來不易的自由與民主！
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
美國國務卿蓬佩奧（Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State）新聞聲明：
　
I would like to congratulate Dr. Tsai Ing-wen on the commencement of her second term as Taiwan’s President. Her re-election by a huge margin shows that she has earned the respect, admiration, and trust of the people on Taiwan. Her courage and vision in leading Taiwan’s vibrant democracy is an inspiration to the region and the world.
　
1. congratulate sb (on sth) 祝賀；慶賀；恭喜*
2. commencement 開端
3. second term 第二個任期
4. by a huge margin 大幅度地
5. earn the respect, admiration, and trust of 贏得⋯⋯的尊重、欽佩與信任
6. a vibrant democracy 臺灣生機蓬勃的民主
7. an inspiration to the world 對世界的啟發（或鼓舞）
　
恭喜蔡英文總統展開第二個任期，蔡總統高票當選連任，顯示她已贏得台灣人民的尊重、欽佩及信任。蔡總統帶領活力民主台灣的勇氣和願景，堪稱印太地區及全世界的表率。
　
*詳參：https://bit.ly/2TmJSuO
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The United States has long considered Taiwan a force for good in the world and a reliable partner. Support for Taiwan in the United States is bipartisan and unanimous, as demonstrated by the recent enactment of the TAIPEI Act which strengthens our overall relationship and supports a closer economic partnership. We have a shared vision for the region—one that includes rule of law, transparency, prosperity, and security for all. The recent COVID-19 pandemic provided an opportunity for the international community to see why Taiwan’s pandemic-response model is worthy of emulation.
　
8. a force for good 一股良善的力量
9. a reliable partner 一位可靠的夥伴
10. bipartisan 為兩黨派所支持的；包括兩個黨派的
11. unanimous support（團體）意見一致的；（決定或裁決）一致通過的
12. enactment（法律的）頒布
13. The Taipei Act《臺北法案》*
14. strengthen 加強；鞏固
15. a closer economic partnership 更緊密的經濟夥伴關係（或合作關係）
16. a shared vision 共同的願景
17. the rule of law 法治
18. transparency, prosperity, and security for all 透明度
19. Taiwan’s pandemic-response model 臺灣的防疫模式
20. worthy of emulation 效法；仿效
　
美國一直以來都視台灣為世界上一股良善的力量，以及可靠的夥伴。台灣也獲得美國兩黨一致的支持，日前正式生效的《台北法案》就是一個例證，《台北法案》不僅強化美台整體關係，也促進了更緊密的美台經濟合作。我們對印太地區有著共同的願景，一個遵循法治、力行透明、追求繁榮，以及人人享有安全的願景。這次的新冠疫情是一個契機，讓國際社會了解為什麼台灣的防疫模式值得效仿。
　
* 詳參：https://bit.ly/2ZlJuR6
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
As we look toward the future, I am confident that, with President Tsai at the helm, our partnership with Taiwan will continue to flourish. Best wishes for a successful second term.
　
21. look toward the future 展望未來
22. at the helm 掌舵；掌控
23. flourish 興旺；繁盛
24. best wishes 最好的祝福（寫信時對熟人禮貌的結束語）
25. a successful second term 圓滿成功的第二個任期
　
放眼未來，我有信心在蔡總統的領導之下，美台的夥伴關係將持續欣欣向榮。祝福蔡總統第二任期圓滿成功。
　
英文版聲明全文：https://bit.ly/2ACDHML
　
中文版聲明全文：https://bit.ly/3g2t0Ud
　
圖片出處：https://bit.ly/2zWcdBj
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
蔡總統就職演說全文英文版：https://bit.ly/2AM9RFN
　
蔡總統就職演說全文中文版：https://bit.ly/36m0bxp
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc
　
時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop
　
如何使用「時事英文」：https://bit.ly/3a9rr38
　
＃國際時事英文

美國國務卿蓬佩奧新聞聲明《蔡英文總統就職典禮》

恭喜蔡英文總統展開第二個任期，蔡總統高票當選連任，顯示她已贏得台灣人民的尊重、欽佩及信任。蔡總統帶領活力民主台灣的勇氣和願景，堪稱印太地區及全世界的表率。

美國一直以來都視台灣為世界上一股良善的力量，以及可靠的夥伴。台灣也獲得美國兩黨一致的支持，日前正式生效的《台北法案》就是一個例證，《台北法案》不僅強化美台整體關係，也促進了更緊密的美台經濟合作。我們對印太地區有著共同的願景，一個遵循法治、力行透明、追求繁榮，以及人人享有安全的願景。這次的新冠疫情是一個契機，讓國際社會了解為什麼台灣的防疫模式值得效仿。

放眼未來，我有信心在蔡總統的領導之下，美台的夥伴關係將持續欣欣向榮。

祝福蔡總統第二任期圓滿成功。

聲明中文請見：https://bit.ly/36fmqFa

Taiwan’s Inauguration of President Tsai Ing-wen
Press Statement
Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

I would like to congratulate Dr. Tsai Ing-wen on the commencement of her second term as Taiwan’s President. Her re-election by a huge margin shows that she has earned the respect, admiration, and trust of the people on Taiwan. Her courage and vision in leading Taiwan’s vibrant democracy is an inspiration to the region and the world.

The United States has long considered Taiwan a force for good in the world and a reliable partner. Support for Taiwan in the United States is bipartisan and unanimous, as demonstrated by the recent enactment of the TAIPEI Act which strengthens our overall relationship and supports a closer economic partnership. We have a shared vision for the region—one that includes rule of law, transparency, prosperity, and security for all. The recent COVID-19 pandemic provided an opportunity for the international community to see why Taiwan’s pandemic-response model is worthy of emulation.

As we look toward the future, I am confident that, with President Tsai at the helm, our partnership with Taiwan will continue to flourish.

Best wishes for a successful second term.

Press Statement: https://bit.ly/36flOzn

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

上次做的超翻譯影片受到大家非常廣大的回響，今天阿滴再次挑戰翻譯一些沒有英文對照的中文字！給你們滿滿的大平台翻譯內容！
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難翻譯成英文的中文單字
1. 仁義禮智信溫良恭儉讓: benevolent, just, courteous, wise, honest, pleasant, kind, respectful, frugal, tolerant
2. 瞎妹要怎麼翻？ bimbo/attention-seeking bimbo on social media/attention whore
3. 便當要怎麼翻？bento/boxed meal (Bonus: to-go box/paper bag/doggie bag)
4. 小屁孩要怎麼翻？spoiled brat/lil' punk/lil' shit
5. 撒嬌要怎麼翻？ 裝可愛撒嬌 act cute / 甜言蜜語撒嬌 sweet talk / 有目的地撒嬌 butter someone up / 男女朋友之間撒嬌算是 flirt / 喜歡窩在一起抱來抱去的撒嬌 cuddly
6. 學長學姐學弟學妹要怎麼翻？freshmen, sophomore, junior, senior / first year, second year, third year, fourth year / senpai
7. 客氣要怎麼翻？ anytime / make yourself at home / no strings attached

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