關於 second half of the year中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【國立臺灣大學109學年度畢業典禮 致詞代表 資訊工程學系韓哈斯】
Student Address, National Taiwan University Commencement 2021
International student Seth Austin Harding from Department of Computer Science and Information Engineering

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校長、教授、以及在螢幕前的各位同學，大家好。非常感謝臺大給我這個機會。我是韓哈斯，來自美國華盛頓特區。我會以自身的真實經驗出發，來跟大家分享臺大帶給我的收穫。

我當初為什麼選擇來台灣求學呢？我小時候非常喜歡看武打片，然後我十歲的時候去看了一部電影叫做「功夫熊貓」。這部電影成為了我最喜歡的電影，主角「阿波」的故事跟我的故事很像。我看完了之後就決定要開始學功夫，所以去了「美國武術學院」。那個時候我每天都聽旁邊的人講中文，到了高中我就決定開始學中文。當時我遇到了一位貴人，她是從台北到美國來教書的中文老師，她教的課是我當時最喜歡的課，我每天去她的教室跟好朋友練習。到了高中畢業時，我是全高中中文最好的非母語人士。同時，我第二喜歡的課程是電腦科學，那時候我是程式能力數一數二的學生。後來在成功錄取夢寐以求的學校：臺灣大學之後，我感到雀躍不已，因為我既可以繼續學習中文，也可以持續在世界頂尖的學府中，往電腦科學的方向精進自我。

不過老實說，當我回顧大一的時期，我也曾迷失自我。雖然我修了很多很多的中文課，但是我那時只聽得懂大概一半的課程內容。跟大家對美國人的印象不同，我其實很害羞，也很害怕舉手提問，我甚至不太敢參與社交，所以當時朋友也很少。我開始想家，也變得有一點憂鬱。那時籃球是我唯一的紓壓方式。

但更不幸的是，我在打籃球時弄傷了我的前十字韌帶，做了兩次手術，需要一年半才能恢復。許多的負面情緒壓得我喘不過氣。我被困在人生的低谷，不知如何是好。我覺得我的中文不夠好，我也被診斷出失眠跟ADHD，另外，美國高中的數學太簡單了，來這邊不夠用。種種壓力讓我足不出戶，找不到自己的人生方向。後來，我向臺大心輔中心以及我的心理醫師尋求協助，然後我也開始跟系上有更多互動。有一位教授叫徐宏民跟我說，"Never give up"，雖然那時候我覺得這句話太過於簡化了我的問題，不過，在我仔細思考了一個禮拜之後，我下定決心，發誓不讓自己被這些事擊敗。我決定要克盡全力，認真做好每件事。這是我人生的轉捩點，我開始變得異常自律。當時廖世偉教授和洪士灝系主任帶我進入它們的研究室鑽研學術。這重燃了我對資訊工程的熱忱，提醒了我當初會愛上這個領域的原因。我開始研究人工智慧以及區塊鏈，也開始跟其他系上同學交朋友，一起成立臺大人工智慧應用社NTUAI。NTUAI現在是校內頗具規模的技術研究社團，致力於推廣人工智慧給任何對該領域有熱忱的學生。歡迎加入NTUAI，可以掃描我們的QR CODE。

最近，由於疫情的緣故，我已經一年半沒回美國了。但是沒關係，因為我已經找到了我第二個家。我很愛臺大，以及台灣的人事物。雖然我經歷了人生的低潮，但這裡的一切總是給我滿滿的祝福與協助。最後，我想送給大家「功夫熊貓」裡的一句台詞： "You just need to believe"。只要用樂觀的態度去面對困難，就有能力改變自己，甚至改變身旁所愛的人。就像阿波的父親說的，"心誠則靈，只要你相信，點石就能成金。根本沒有什麼秘笈。只有你。"謝謝大家。

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President, professors, and classmates, I'm very honored to be here. Thank you to NTU for giving me this opportunity. My name's Seth Austin Harding, and I'm from the D.C. metropolitan area. I'm going to tell a real story that's personal but that's relatable and what I see as the real me.

What motivated and guided me to take my undergraduate studies in Taiwan? When I was very young, I really loved watching kung fu movies, and when I was 10 years old, I went to the theater to watch "Kung Fu Panda". This became my favorite movie as I felt like the story of the main character Po was one to which I could very much relate. After watching this movie, I decided that I wanted to start learning kung fu, so I went to the United States Wushu Academy. At the time, I began hearing Mandarin on a daily basis, so when I was in high school, I decided to begin formally studying Chinese. It ended up being my Chinese teacher from Taipei who was my favorite teacher who taught my favorite class, so I decided I'd hang out in the Chinese classroom every day and practice lots. By the time graduation came around, I had attained the highest proficiency in Chinese among any non-native speaker in my school. My second favorite class was computer science, and I ended up attaining among the best coding skills in my school. After getting accepted to the school of my dreams -- National Taiwan University -- I felt honored, humbled, and excited; I could now spend time at among the world's finest universities studying Chinese and at the same time advancing my knowledge of computer science.

But when I look back at my freshman year, to be honest with you, I didn't know what I was doing. Despite having taken very many Chinese classes, when I went to the NTU lectures, I understood only about half of what the teachers were saying. Contrary to most people's impressions of an American, I was actually too shy to raise my hand, to ask questions, or to even meet with teachers after class, so I had very few friends at the time. I started to become homesick and depressed. At that time, I found that basketball was the only way I knew of relieving my stress. However, while playing basketball, I had torn my ACL and it would take two surgeries and a year and a half in time to fully recover. At this point, I felt caught between a rock and a hard place. In fact, this was the lowest point of my life, and I didn't know what to do. I felt like my Chinese wasn't good enough, I had been diagnosed with insomnia and ADHD, and I felt like the math taught in America was too simple to allow for me to keep up with my classmates. I was under immense pressure, and at this time, I lost any sense of purpose or direction. Later on, I went to seek help from NTU counseling, from my psychiatrist, and from my department. I reached out to Professor Winston Hsu from CSIE, and he told me this: "Never give up"; it was such an oversimplified way to approach such a complex series of problems, I had thought. However, I pondered these words intensely for one week, and by the end of that week, I had made a firm decision. This would NOT be another example of me giving up. I decided to go all out, to work diligently and passionately on all tasks at hand. This was the turning point of my life; I started to discipline myself to a very high degree. At this time, I met my then-to-become advisors Professor Shih-Wei Liao and Professor Shih-Hao Hung and entered their labs to begin research. Finally, the passion that I had for computer science that I had previously held in high school was kindled again, and I was finally reminded why I loved this field. I began my research life in blockchain and AI, and at the time I entered the lab, I also began creating NTUAI. NTUAI is now a large and highly successful NTU club that is dedicated to the research and public understanding of AI. Welcome one and all to join us; please scan our QR code here.

For a year and a half I haven't returned to America because of covid. But not to worry; I have found my second home, away from home. I love it here in NTU and I cherish all of the things I've had the privilege to experience in Taiwan. I've gone through the most difficult of struggles in my life here, but I've also had the most fortunate and blessed of experiences. To conclude, I'd like to quote a line from "Kung Fu Panda": "You just need to believe". As long as you are willing to adopt an optimistic attitude in facing challenges and hardships, you may become a positive force in changing the lives of those around you as well as your own life. It all depends on how you view it; just like what Po's father says, "there is no secret ingredient. It's just you." Thank you, everyone.

詳見：
https://www.facebook.com/NTUCommencement/posts/2718185771805180

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#臺灣大學 #畢業典禮 #NTUCommencement2021 #學生致詞代表 #臺大資訊工程學系 #韓哈斯 #SethAustinHarding

#到底我地係咪行緊雨傘條舊路【#AntiELAB Movement vs #UmbrellaMovement: are #HKers walking on the old path?】

5/ Global reach for visiting Taiwan. Heiko Maas criticized with an open letter.t 11 pm on 30 June 2020:

1/ HK's protests have indeed reduced due to the COVID19 and the National Security Law. Hong Kong Government mass arrests protestors, and crackdown on the education, mass media, medical and judicial industries. But, NO, we're not walking the old path of division between different sides in the pro-democracy bloc. In fact, we're winning. Here's why:

2/ In 2014,
- 70% of polls call for the occupation to stop
- Division within Pro-democracy bloc
- Average results in the District Council Election
- Pro-Beijing bloc gained 57% seats in Legislative Council
- CCP's economic diplomacy is doing well
- Few countries support HK

3/ From 2019 till now,
- Pro-democracy bloc swept 85% of the seats in the District Council Election
- it's likely for the pro-democracy bloc to gain more than half of the seats in the Legislative Council Election, which forced the #CCP to cancel the election

Polls did by 香港民意研究計劃 HKPOP request by Reuters showed that
- 70% support an independent investigation committee
- 63% support universal suffrage of the Legislative Council and Chief Executive
- 58% support Carrie Lam to step down
- 56% oppose the riot characterization of the antiELAB Movement
- 49% support the release of the arrested people
- 60% oppose the NationalSecurityLaw
- 31% support the NationalSecurityLaw
- 57% vote for pro-democracy candidates
- 25% vote for pro-government candidates

4/ Normally, public opinion of social movements will reverse after a while, like the #UmbrellaMovement, #BlackLivesMatter and the #YellowVests. But after a year, the majority of public opinion is still on the protestors' side ...

5/ Global reac for visiting Taiwan. Heiko Maas criticized with an open letter.t 11 pm on 30 June 2020:
- Jul 1: over 100k people took to the streets
- Jul 11-12: over 610k people vote in the democratic preliminary election
- Aug 12: 530k copies of 香港蘋果日報 Apple Daily were sold & 282 tocks are sold after Jimmy Lai was arrested
- Aug 27: all HKers dressed in black to say no to the Police rewriting what happened on 21 Jul 2019
- Aug 31: hundreds mourned for the #831PrinceEdwardAttack

6/ Gobal reactions
🇺🇸: Sanctioning HK and CCP officials and change "made in HK" to "made in China"
🇬🇧: Banned the buying of Huawei and offering HKers "lifeboats"
🇦🇺: US-Japan South China Sea military exercise took place in Australia. CCP intimidated journalists in Beijing
🇪🇺: Stop exporting sensitive tech and treat HK the same way as China
🇩🇪: Wang Yi intimidated Czech Senate speaker
Miloš Vystrčil for visiting Taiwan. Heiko Maas criticized with an open letter.
🇫🇷: Forced telcos to ditch @Huawei and announced of won't treat China naively
🇨🇦: Showed no sign of thawing with China. Hostage diplomacy continues to deadlock.
🇯🇵: partnered closely with the Five Eyes and acted tougher after 周庭 Agnes Chow Ting was arrested
🇮🇳: border clashes continued and ditched Chinese mobile apps like WeChat, Alipay and Tik Tok.
🇹🇼: international reputation continued to rise after having the least COVID19 confirmed cases in the world with its anti-pandemic policy
🇭🇰: US, UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, France and Germany ended extradition agreements

7/ #HongKongers have achieved remarkable results fighting against the second-largest, evilest country in the world in just one year. The idea of phoenixism is that we know the chance of winning is low, so we try to increase the costs beard by the #CCP to achieve what we demand.

8/ Everyday we are guided by our thirst for freedom and a sense of duty to bring democracy to our children and grandchildren. So long as we follow that path, we will always be on the right side of history. The island of HK may be small the resolve of its people is anything but.

中文：https://www.facebook.com/200976479994868/posts/3332039616888523/
原文：https://twitter.com/samuelharrendel/status/1306608431139155969

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💪支持我向世界展現香港人頑強抵抗的意志：https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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╞#存亡號召 #絕處逢生
╞🌐https://twitter.com/joshuawongcf
╞📷https://www.instagram.com/joshua1013
╞📧joshua@joshuawongcf.com
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw