關於 social assistance中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線

中文、意大利文演說全文：https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118

感謝開創未來基金會（Fondazione Farefuturo）邀請，讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言，呼籲世界繼續關注香港，與香港人站在同一陣線。

意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家，理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解，如今正值大學保衛戰一週年，以致大搜捕的時刻，當打壓更為嚴峻，香港更需要世界與我們同行。

為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況，我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿，盼望在如此困難的時勢裡，繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。

【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】

Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.

Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.

Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.

Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail

Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.

Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.

I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.

But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?

Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene

The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.

As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.

The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.

I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.

Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.

That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.

Defending freedom behind the bars

No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.

The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.

I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.

．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．
💪小額支持我的獨家分析及文章：https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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【十萬火急！德國國會聯署得返18日，目標一成都未到！🇩🇪】
URGENT! Sign the petition to German Parliament NOW!
🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥

聯署信限時於28日內(聖誕日到期)，一旦收集50000個簽名，德國國會請願委員會就必須召開公聽會！但係而家十份一都未有，得返18日！一齊幫手簽爆佢！
程序係複雜少少，可以睇住呢個教學就冇問題，記得個個都要簽呀！

If we collect more than 50000 signatures within 28 days (deadline being Christmas Day), Petition Committee of German Parliament will have to hold a public hearing on solid actions to support human rights in Hong Kong.
HOWEVER, we're not even reaching one-tenth of goal, and we only have 18 days left! The procedure is not as straightforward, but please follow this video and ask everyone to sign.
SIGN NOW and SPREAD THE WORD!!

聯署信主題︰德國政府應採取即時和實際行動，以制止香港人道危機

Subject of petition: Stop the humanitarian crisis in Hong Kong with immediate concrete measures by the Federal Government

===================

👉 聯署網址 Petition website: https://epetitionen.bundestag.de/…/…/_23/Petition_99604.html

聯署程序的教學短片(中文版)︰https://youtu.be/ZgO58nZs0vM
English teaching video for signing the petition: https://youtu.be/c3rSaJzd_8o

聯署信的英譯請轆到最低參閱！The English translation of petition content is attached below, please scroll down to read.

Germany Stand with Hong Kong

===================

[English Translation of Petition]
Safeguard Hong Kong, No More Suppression on Human Rights!

We are a group of Hongkongers living in Germany. Due to the out-of-hand violence of the Hong Kong Police Force (hereinafter referred to as the "HKPF"), the social movement in Hong Kong has turned into a humanitarian disaster. We call on the Federal Republic of Germany (hereinafter referred to as the “Federal Government”) to provide emergency assistance and we urge the Federal Government to take immediate and practicable action.

Abusive use of weapons and dereliction of duty by HKPF:
1. Protesters and passengers were assaulted by suspected triad groups in metro stations, and police only arrived 40 minutes after reports were made (Yuen Long MTR station on 21 July; similar attacks happened in Tsuen Wan and North Point on 5 August and 11 August respectively)
2. Mishandling a teenage female protester by male police officers, exposing her body parts during the arrest (Tin Shui Wai on 4 Aug)
3. Manipulation and deliberate planting of evidence (eg. putting sharp bamboo stick into protester’s backpacks, unsealing evidence bags that should remain sealed until presented at court)
4. 3 Members of Legislative Council, and more student activists were arrested by the police and 2 organizers of demonstrations were attacked by thugs on 30 August which is the eve of a massive demonstration
5. Police stormed the metro station, beat protesters and passengers in the station and on the train, closed all the exits and then expel all reporters and first-aiders from the metro station (Prince Edward MTR station on 31 Aug)

CALL FOR ACTIONS
In order to protect German expatriates and the interests of German enterprises in Hong Kong, as well as to protect the human rights of EU citizens in Hong Kong, we urge the Federal Government to consider taking the following actions:
1. Halt all export of crowd control equipment and “less-lethal” weaponry to Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF)
2. Express concerns regarding the escalating tension in Hong Kong and safety of German expatriates in Hong Kong
3. Deploy official Human Rights Observer to Hong Kong and to make an independent observation at the frontline
4. Acknowledge that protesters in Hong Kong may be persecuted on political grounds and adjust its asylum policy to Hong Kong asylum seekers
5. Halt any cooperation and exchange programme with the HKPF
6. Forbid entry into the EU / Revoke the right of abode or EU citizenship (if any) / Freeze the assets in EU of senior officers of Hong Kong Government and pro-China legislators and their immediate family members (if any)

HONG KONG,
made up of lovable Hongkongers,
who yearn for freedom, democracy and human rights,
was, is now and ever will be
a FREE PORT which belongs to the world of civilization.

葉太是前高官，熟知政府運作和昔日議會的資料及紀錄。可惜政府於是次修例的解說過程中，並沒有人像葉太般能清晰、有理有節地指出泛民的謬誤，在此感謝葉太的敢言，讓市民看清真相。

#香港幸好有葉太

Dear friends, an English summary of the key points I made in the LegCo adjournment debate is set out below:

1.Rebutting the pan democrats’ objections to the government’s fugitive offenders amendment legislation, I pointed out that arising from two criminal cases (the Telford Gardens murder case and the Cheung Tse-keung kidnap case) in which the suspects fled to mainland China after committing the offences, Martin Lee Chu-ming, then a Member of the Legislator, moved a motion in LegCo on 9 December 1998 urging the government to discuss and conclude an agreement with Beijing on rendition arrangements between mainland China and the SAR, so as to restore the public’s confidence in the SAR’s judicial jurisdiction”. The wording is as follows:

“That this Council deeply regrets that, while the cases involving the kidnapping of two business tycoons in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) and the murder of five persons in the
Telford Gardens, which are being handled in the Mainland in accordance with the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, have caused widespread concern among Hong Kong people, the SAR Government has not tried its utmost to seek the return of those who are suspected of violating the law in the SAR by the Basic Law; this Council also urges the SAR Government to expeditiously discuss and conclude an agree-ment with the Central People’s Government, on the basis of internationally agreed principles, on rendition arrangements between the Mainland and the SAR, so as to restore the public’s confidence in the SAR’s judicial jurisdiction.”

2.All the legislators from the Democratic Parry supported this motion. Who made an about-turn in opposing the government’s amendment legislation
to facilitate the rendition of fugitive offenders and mutual legal assistance in criminal matters with mainland China? Who have been lying to the people of Hong Kong?

3.As Secretary for Security, I had, on 3 December 198, reported to LegCo’s Security Panel the government’s plan to conclude an agreement on the rendition of fugitive offenders with mainland China. Then Chief Secretary Anson Chan undertook to expedite action to reach an agreement with the mainland.

4. All decisions about rendition are ultimately made by the courts. Two recent examples: a high court in New Zealand rejected an extradition request from China to extradite an ethnic Korean New Zealand citizen suspected of murdering a sex worker in Shanghai on the ground that the court did not believe that he would have access to “fair trial” in China. A court in Scotland rejected an extradition request from Taiwan to extradite a British national accused of killing a newspaper agent by drink driving on the ground that the court did not believe that he would
have non-discriminatory treatment in prison.

5. The Financial Action Task Force established under the auspices of G20 had described the lack of rendition arrangement and agreement on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters with mainland China as a “significant deficit” in Hong Kong’s fight against money laundering and terrorist financing.

6. On the question of pressure on judges to kowtow to Beijing, why should judges fear pressure? They are appointed by the Chief Executive with approval by the Legislative Council. They are well trained; well paid and have security of tenure. They are only accountable for the judgments they made which would go down in the common law as part of the
jurisprudence on extradition. They are not accountable to Beijing.

7. On the need to formally “withdraw” the fugitive offenders bill, I pointet out that then Chief Executive Tung Chee-hua used wording similar to that of the current administration in announcing the postponement of the second reading debate of the national security bill on 7 July 2003. On 2 October 2003, then Secretary for Security Ambrose Lee wrote to House Committee Chairperson Selina Chow to explain that to give effect to Mr.Tung’s announcement of “withdrawal” of the bill on 5 September, he would not give notice under LegCo Rules of Procedure to resume second reading debate of the bill within the current term of the Legislative Council.

8. Thus it is clear that the current administration followed the same wording and procedure as in 2003. Clear indication that second reading debate
would not be resumed in the rest of the legislative term is effective “withdrawal”. Insistence on withdrawal is merely a ploy adopted by the opposition to dial up pressure on the administration to undermine its ability to govern.

9.The orderly demonstrations carried out recently by large numbers of of Hong Kong people fully testify to the abundance of rights and freedoms in Hong Kong. But I strongly condemn the outbreak of violence after the mass protest on 9 June, the violent attack on the Police on 12 June, the repeated actions taken by unruly protesters to lay siege to the Police Headquarters, the Immigration Tower, the Revenue Tower and the Justice Place. These protesters have become urban “bandits”, disrupting social order and damaging Hong Kong’s overseas reputation as a safe city. The attacks on Police Headquarters, with a view to undermining Police morale, are particularly vicious. These protesters have committed multiple offences and should be brought to justice.

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(中文版本發言全文)

【誰是第一人敦促特區政府與內地商討移交逃犯協議？讓市民看清真相】

多謝代理主席女士，我發言是支持張華峰議員的議案，我完全同意張議員議案指出，政府現時當務之急是盡快恢復社會秩序，穩定營商環境，採取及時的應對措施 ，令市民可以恢復正常的生活。我亦很高興藉這個休會辯論的機會，向市民講真話，講清講楚，告訴市民那些人一直講大話，瞞騙市民！可惜尹兆堅議員不在席，我想告訴所有的泛民議員，究竟誰是第一人敦促特區政府與內地商討移交逃犯協議，以及刑事司法互助安排呢？正是李柱銘議員！

1998年香港出現了兩宗轟動社會的刑事案件，第一宗是德福花園的「五屍命案」，風水師李育輝殺了五名女士後逃到內地，被逮捕及處決；第二宗是「張子強案」，張子強涉嫌綁架和囤積軍火，同樣逃到內地，然後被逮捕及處決。當時立法會非常震驚，要求特區政府盡快與內地商討刑事司法互助安排，例如1998年12月3 日，我擔任保安局局長，向立法會保安事務委員會交代，要與內地訂明有關安排，並與今日的特區政府一樣，承諾所有安排必須符合「雙重犯罪」原則、指定罪行、不得再移交第三國家的保障、死刑及政治罪行或受政治迫害一律豁免移交的保障，就此，根據保安事務委員會會議文件編號CB(2)748/98-99(02) 第十段有清楚說明：「鑑於公眾對近日張子強和李育輝等案件的關注，亦正如政務司司長所承諾，政府會盡力加快工作，以期早日與內地就此重要事項達成協議。」當時政務司司長就是陳方安生女士。

接下來，李柱銘先生亦在1998年12月9 日動議議案。李議員動議的議案內容如下：「由於兩名富商在香港特別行政區（“特 區”）被綁架案及德福花園五屍命案均在內地法院以《中華人民共和國刑法》審理，引起港人極大關注，但特區政府卻未盡全力爭取將在特區境內涉嫌違法的人士，交還特區法院審理，以捍衛《基本法 》賦予特區的司法管轄權，對此，本會深表遺憾；同時，本會促請特區政府以國際社會公認的原則為基礎，盡快就中港兩地移交疑犯的安排與中央人民政 府進行商討及達成協議，恢復港人對特區司法管轄權的信心。」

因此，我真的要問問尹兆堅議員，究竟是誰人表演「四川變臉」？李柱銘去美國告狀時，有沒有告訴美國人他是提出修例的第一人？他當年不斷敦促特區政府和內地達成協議！我則堂堂正正光明正大地多次到北京開會，商討移交逃犯協議和刑事司法互助安排，會議後每次都是光明磊落向本會匯報。為何對這些事實你們全部失憶？是誰欺騙市民？拍攝影片誤導市民，宣傳香港人如何肉隨砧板上，隨時像動物一樣被移送內地！

事實上，所有案例都證明移交逃犯是需要經過法庭冗長而複雜的程序。最近新西蘭的高等法院否決移交一名韓裔新西蘭公民，該人士涉嫌在上海謀殺一名性工作者，而這案件已由2011年審理至今。蘇格蘭的法庭也拒絕了台灣一個引渡要求，有關一名英國人在台灣醉酒駕駛，撞死一名派報紙的職員。由此可見，最終決定權在法庭手上，並非行政長官一人決定。亦有指法官備受壓力，試問法官受高深教育，良好的司法訓練，身受納稅人供給不錯的報酬，他們當然必須承擔責任。我們每個人都有壓力，法官承擔責任，幫助香港人解決法律問題，是他們應有的責任。因此，代理主席，我認為應該就此向市民講清講楚，是誰人不斷向市民講大話？誤導市民！將這條應該做的法例，抹黑成一條所謂「送中」的惡法！

亦看看國際社會怎麼說，Financial Action Task Force， 即G20集團轄下的「財務行動特別組織」，素來批評香港與內地沒有移交逃犯協議和刑事司法互助安排。過往，他們直指這是一個significant deficit ，即一個「重大缺憾」。近來，可能因為要和應香港反對修例的聲音，則改為 legal shortcoming，即一個「法律上的缺憾」。不過，我們仍然需要完善這些法律，所以政府不撤回是正確的。那些要求行政會議成員辭職的人，全部皆作出不公平的指責。這條例本身完全沒有錯，但大家都同意，政府在宣傳和解釋這條條例方面，乃至為市民反駁種種謊言的工作，做得嚴重不足。

說到撤回，我們看看當年政府處理23條的時候所用的語言。2003年7月7日，時任行政長官董建華先生發表聲明：「我即時召開行政會議特別會議。經過詳細商討後，基於自由黨的立場，我們決定將條例草案押後恢復二讀，並在未來一段時間加強向市民解釋修訂案內容。」其實這個方針與現時政府無異，一樣是將其押後並且加強解釋，並沒有表示撤回。再看看我的接任人李少光局長向內務委員會主席周梁淑怡女士致函的內容，信函的日期是2003年10月2日，李局長寫道：「為在程序上落實前文所提及，行政長官會同行政會議的決定，我現確認我不擬根據《議事規則》第 54(5)條發出預告，以在本屆立法會任期內恢復該草案的二讀辯論。草案因此會根據《議事規則》第 11(4)條及《立法會條例》（第 542 章）第 9(4)條，在本屆立法會任期完結時失效。」即是和現在特區政府的說法一樣，繼續開放式的諮詢去解釋這條條例，沒有時間表，不發出預告恢復二讀，任由這條例「自然死亡」，實質上等同不會再推動修例，等同撤回。

為什麼當時沒有要求撤回的爭論呢？我認為今天有人強烈要求撤回，根本別有用心！為了找理由不斷衝擊政府部門，除了衝擊警察總部之外，又衝擊入境事務大樓、稅務大樓，今天亦有超過100人衝擊律政中心。他們的目的到底與這條條例有什麼關係呢？其實只不過是用「撤回」作一個藉口，不斷擾亂香港秩序，甚至令香港在國際社會失色，令許多希望到香港做生意或旅遊的人，感到香港是一個不安全的城市，他們的用心實在非常惡毒！「撤回」是一個要求律政司下台的藉口，假如律政司下台，他們就會要求整個特區政府領導班子總辭，所有支持過修訂條例的行政會議成員、立法會議員，全部都應該總辭，不如讓泛民和黃之鋒接手特區政府，這就是他們的最終目的。代理主席，所以我一定要藉這個休會辯論的機會，向市民講清楚這背後的陰謀。

當然，我要強烈譴責近日這些示威人士衝擊警察總部。過去兩星期有大部分市民和平遊行，充分彰顯香港擁有高度自由，以及人權得到高度保障，這是我們香港人皆引以為榮的核心價值。不過，在這些和平的示威遊行之後，有些不法之徒聚眾衝擊政府部門，特別是衝擊警隊，他們的用心非常惡毒！他們知道警隊是維護香港治安和秩序最重要的支柱，他們就故意不斷打擊警隊的士氣，甚至侵犯他們的私隱，包括網上「起底」和 網上欺凌。昨晚市民在愛丁堡廣場和平集會後，有眾多穿黑衣的人士走入地鐵站，他們最後走到軍器廠街再次包圍警察總部。我見到一名正在上班的警員，他沒有戴口罩，光明正大地上班，但竟然被人追打！不過，他無畏無懼，直視這些示威者。其實這些人已經觸犯多項刑事罪行，包括襲警、非法集會、刑事毀壞，警方應該將他們繩之於法，不可以因為你「聲大」你「人多」就可以獲得特赦。

代理主席，就此我感到特別震驚，為何一位前政務司司長能夠說出特赦及釋放違法人士，此等嚴重衝擊法治的言論呢？我們一位前同事余黎青萍女士，她以英語寫了一篇非常感人的聲明，在我們前政務官的圈子裏流傳。她表示 disappointed by 這位前同事陳方安生的所作所為！我亦 disappointed by 民主黨的變臉與謊言！李柱銘到美國告狀，有否告知美國人，他是第一人支持與內地簽訂移交逃犯協議，和達至司法互助？這些真相應該告知市民。

代理主席，這些近日的示威者已經成為一股流寇，不斷去衝擊各個政府部門。我懷疑他們真正目的就是要拖垮政府，傷害我們整體市民的利益。因此，我懇請各位善良的市民，看清楚真相，不要支持這些破壞香港繁榮安定的壞分子，不要參加他們的集會，亦希望各位父母約束您們的子女，並解說給他們知道，和平示威沒有問題，但一遇到出現亂象，應該帶他們離開現場，以免他們身陷險境。