關於 team building翻譯 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

早安，昨天小偷了一下懶，沒有起床念英文，今天還是拜小犬之賜早起，想到前一陣子的夯書《原子習慣》以及近來我看到的一篇習慣養成的文章，都有講到內在動機的驅動不如外在情境的改變來得有效，也就是說，與其不停告訴自己英文很重要，我要起床念英文，不如製造一個一定得早起的情境，譬如我可以陪小犬去坐公車，就一定會醒過來，或是像我一個朋友，每天睡前把泳衣穿在身上，逼自己每天去晨泳。

主婦的時間有限（更正：大家的時間都有限），有時候真的需要一心二用、一魚二吃，才能有效地利用時間。

現在經營娘子軍創業資源整合平台的我，最需要的就是管理跟行銷相關的知識，所以我目前念的文章就會以這方面的文章為主，在送小貓（小犬是兒子，那小女就是小貓啦）上學之前，能念多少算多少，等送完小貓上學，又是一連串忙不完的創業事宜，還有回不完的訊息海（這是一位娘子軍團媽說的，她說加入娘子軍團媽的行列後，就有一望無際的訊息海），總之寫文章、讀英文、學行銷，一鴨三吃，我早起這個小時就很有價值了，雖然心中有個小小的聲音，還想更早起床幫兒子做早餐，請容我先小小聲在這裡許願。

今天要唸的文章是這篇
《The winning sales huddle: 10 ways to amp up your team》
成功的銷售會議：增強團隊實力的10種方法

在美式足球裡，Huddle是指賽前的討論，球員與教練通常會圍成一圈
參考這裡的文章：https://reurl.cc/GbrjE3
【美國職場實用英文】12個常見的產品開發英文片語

amp up 是加強、放大的意思
（有趣的是amp是安培的英文喔！（哪裡有趣了？！））大家還記得以前理化學的安培吧！

先說，我讀英文文章是很不認真的，一邊查翻譯一邊會逛各種相關的註解，大家如果想讀全文，文末我會附上連結給很想認真看完的人（先說一聲佩服！）

Sales huddles are an important part of building and maintaining a winning sales culture.
銷售會議是建立和維持成功銷售文化很重要的一部分。

You get your entire team together in real-time, bring everyone on the same page and get them fired up to tackle the tasks ahead of them.
你即時把整個團隊聚集在一起，讓每個人動作思維一致，煽動（鼓動）他們充滿活力的去處理在他們前方的任務。

in real-time 即時
on the same page指一群人的動作思維一致
fire up 有活力動起來
tackle處理

（突然想問大家小時候有學過狄克森片語嗎？以前背那些超像的排列組合片語，背得好想死～～）

話說今天早上小犬問我，為何早上很想睡卻要爬起來，中午不想睡卻要逼他們午休，完全是我小時候的心情耶！我只能拍著他的肩膀說，媽媽小時候也是這樣的。至於為何不晚點起床不要午睡（不要問我這麼得罪人的教育政策問題）

今天讀英文的心情好轉折～～～

為了幫大家讀重點，我們今天不一句句念，挑著精華念喔！
就來看看這十個增強銷售團隊實力的方法是什麼嘿！

1.Set a goal for the day or until the next huddle
設定一個當天或下次會議前要完成的目標

2. Celebrate wins
慶祝勝利
Find fun ways to create incentives for reps that hit their goal, whether it's cold hard cash or simply recognition in the company.
找一些有趣的方法來激勵那些成功達標的代表，無論是實在的現金或是單純在公司裡的肯定

cold hard cash 這裡有個有趣的單字用法，冰冷堅硬的現金代表的是大筆的現金（表示給予實質上的支持或獎勵）
大家可以看這篇有趣的新聞
https://reurl.cc/1o4vvY

3.Discuss key metrics
討論關鍵指標
（就是講重點啦！我們的目標到底是什麼！）

4.LinkedIn post of the day
討論今天LinkedIn社群平台的貼文（讓業務代表貼點東西在商業界的臉書）

5.Ask your team what they want to be part of the agenda. Not only will it give them a sense of ownership, but oftentimes you'll find that they come up with the best ideas. 詢問你的團隊想要成為議程中的哪個部分，不只可以給他們成為主人翁的感覺，你還常常會發現他們會想出（提出）最好的點子

6. Icebreakers破冰船（指活躍氣氛的笑話）
好啦！時間差不多了，我要送小貓去上學了，今天是不是學了很多有趣的英文呢？

＃想看全文可以到這邊
https://blog.close.com/sales-huddle/
＃感謝google翻譯給力幫忙
＃其實大家都想學英文吧

【素人推薦文-最重要的夥伴】

四年前，我請在旅途中遇到的兩位好朋友，幫我寫一段他們對我的感想。不愧是我的好朋友，所以在兩年前，我終於收到了其中一位瓦倫的回覆（我們是拖時間比賽嗎XD）。當我現在要把他們整理到書裡面時，覺得NG的片段也太好笑了，所以決定一刀未剪的放上來給大家瞧瞧，你就會知道，在路上可能會遇到什麼樣沒頭沒腦只會拼命講幹話的好朋友 :D (以下是我的翻譯，原文可以往下跳到最後）

「兩位：
我終於找到時間寫些句子給Min，這真的不是一件容易的事情，因為當我開始認真寫個三句話之後，就會忍不住接一些廢話進去。這真的不是一件容易的事，試想看看，如果你得寫一篇關於某人好話的文章，但其實你心裡清楚她其實是個騙子，因為她總是跑去搭火車？

因此，這是我第一個嘗試：
Min是一個像金一樣純的人，她充滿愛和精神，總是穿白色衣服。她沒有騎車，而是在地球上飛行了50厘米。 不...他媽的！

第二次嘗試：
親愛的人們，我必須警告您：這本書是一本幻想小說！如果作者寫了幾公里這樣的文字，很有可能實際上是公尺；當她寫單車時，她意味著火車；當她寫帳篷時，其實指的是一間三星級酒店。

第三次嘗試：
關於第一個騎單車的背包客女子從德國乘火車到臺灣的簡短故事。

我第一次遇到Min時是在德黑蘭的土庫曼大使館大樓外。她問我：「您是Vali嗎？德國人，騎單車前往烏茲別克斯坦嗎？我是Min，我也想去那裡，我們可以一起騎嗎？」

那時候，我不想結識其他騎單車的人。某方面來講，我已經聽夠別人的故事，並很享受自己一個人的旅行。自從我的旅伴朱莉從伊斯坦堡離開我之後，我便開始享受旅途中的寂靜與寂寞。所以我並不想和Min一起旅行，但我只是回答她：「好吧，...是的，好吧，如果我們都能順利拿到簽證，就可以一起騎車。」於是她問了我的聯繫方式，最後她也真的打電話給我一起去領取簽證。

我們開始一起旅行時，我的伊朗簽證只剩9天，因此我每天必須不斷地趕路，我不確定Min是否能夠跟上，因為這將會改變騎車的節奏。但是當我開始認識Min時，我發現她是一個有趣的女孩，一個只燃燒熱情就打算從慕尼黑回到臺灣的女人，充滿了理想和天真。

她只是單純的展開了計劃，在還不知道接下來會發生什麼事，也沒有任何騎乘單車和露營經驗的情況下。她帶了一個彈出式的帳篷，那種帳篷你只會為了在車上應付緊急情況而準備的帳篷；是當你可能在開高速公路回家的路上，因為太過於勞累，而決定扔出這種圓形帳篷休息一下才會用到的那種。而她的單車也沒有前袋，所以她所有的裝備都扛在單車的後面以及她的背上，因為她竟然背了一個背包！實際上，她是第一個騎單車從德國到臺灣的背包客。這就是Min令人印象深刻的一件事：她有這個想法，然後她做到了。

她得到一台贊助的單車和一些贊助的裝備，然後就拿著這些東西展開旅程。她的思考模式不像我這樣的德國人，在計劃開始之前必須擁有完美的單車和完美的裝備。對她而言，在還沒有這些條件之前就可以動身了。我永遠不會知道她何時開始計劃，以及為何要做這趟旅行，我想連她自己都不確定，即使在書裡她告訴了你們不同的故事。

所以在伊朗的時候，我們開始認識彼此，而我的內心也開始轉變，我發現和Min一起騎車真是太好了。

有一天我們還遇到了香港人Senda，傍晚我們一起紮營時，他們兩個在抱怨伊朗米飯因為不夠粘稠，所以不能用筷子吃。請想像一下，有三個人聚集在他們各自的帳篷前，在伊朗沙漠中繁星密布的星空下，而我這顆德國馬鈴薯陷入了一場關於米飯的討論之中。我不得不為自己大笑，當我告訴他們在煮飯時我加了鹽時，他們倆都非常生氣。從這種情況下，我了解到米對於Min、Senda和其他將米作為主食的人來說是非常重要的。於是，我決定再也不會煮米飯給他們，因為他們比我更知道如何煮好米飯。

之後Senda前往阿富汗，Min和我前往馬沙德（Mashad），我們就此分開直到在烏茲別克再度相見。在土庫曼斯坦的途中，我遇到了一個叫雷蒙，又名骯髒的旅行者的瘋子，我們一起前進，當我們離開土庫曼斯坦時，我們又遇到了Min，組成一個黃金三角的夢幻單車隊。雷蒙非常熱愛騎單車，是一個非常可愛的傢伙。我們三個在一起的時刻如此獨特，在一起共享每一天，只有在夜晚時，被帳篷的薄布分開。我們一起騎單車，一起出汗，一起奮鬥，一起度過美好的夜晚，同時在帳篷前烹飪美味佳餚，共享非常愉快的自由與自主的時光。當我現在回想起來，不得不承認那是我一生中最美好的時光。Min是其中很大的一部分。

如果您想進一步了解Min和她的冒險經歷，則必須購買此書。真是太神奇了，我在馬桶上翻起書頁，就在那待了兩天，直到看完為止。讀這本書就像呼吸吉爾吉斯斯坦高原的空氣一樣，就像在雷蒙身後騎車並聞到他的屁味一樣。這將是一本暢銷書，是一本令人難忘的書。絕對推薦！買吧！」
－Valentin R (一位來自德國的瘋狂自行車旅人，和Min一起旅行了兩個月)

⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗
來來來~想要一起蹲在馬桶上兩天的請往這裡請
👉https://pse.is/minbook

🤭我個人是很好奇, 他到底蹲了兩天看什麼東西?
🤔不要說我的書沒有德文版, 連中文都還在做編輯...
🤫到底是看了什麼啊...? XDDDD
⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗⟗

(原文)
Hey guys,
while staying for four days in Bangkok to repair audio amplifiers for rich Thai men I finally I found the time to write some sentences about Min and it was really not easy, because when I start writing something like this, I will write bullshit after three sentences. It is really not easy. Have you ever written something about another person and you have to talk good about this person while you know she is a liar and always went by train?

So the first try:
Min is pure gold. She is full of love and spirit and always wears white clothes. She is not cycling, she is flying fifty centimeters over the earth. NOOOOO fuck it!

second try:
Dear people, I have to warn you: this book is a fantasy book! If the author writes about kilometers on the bicycles she meant probably meters. When she writes bicycle she means train, when she writes tent she means three star hotel.......NOOOOO shit!

third try:
A short story about the first backpacker woman on a bicycle who travelled from Germany to Taiwan in a train
The first time I met Min was at the Turkmen embassy building in Teheran when she encountered me and asked: „Are you Vali, the German guy travelling to Uzbekistan by bike? I am Min, I also want to go there and I wanted to ask you if we can ride together?“
At this time I didn't want to know any other cyclists, somehow I was bored to hear stories of others while I was having a great adventure by myself. I enjoyed the silence and loneliness on the road since Jule, my cycle mate, left me in Istanbul. So actually I didn't want to travel with Min in the first moment, but I just answered to Min: „Well,...yes..., ok, if we get the visas we can ride together.“ So she asked for my contact and she really called me to pick up the visas.
I only had nine days left in Iran before my visa expired so we had to go really quick and I didn't know if Min was able to catch up. It was a change in rhythm for my bike tour, but when I started to know Min I found out that she is a funny girl with a burning ambition to fulfill her aim travelling by bicycle from Munich in Germany to her home country of Taiwan. A woman full of spirit and a good portion of naivety. She just started the trip without knowing what will come and without any experience of cycling and camping before this trip. She was equipped with a pop up tent, the kind of tent you have in the car for an emergency, when you are still on the highway and you get to tired to drive home. So you have this kind of round tent that you can throw and it pops up as a tent by itself. She also didn't have front panniers (bags) on her bike, so all her equipment was in the back – and also on her back, because she was wearing a backpack! Actually she was the first backpacker on a bicycle to travel from Germany to Taiwan. And that is the impressing thing about Min: she had the idea to do this trip, so she just did. She got a sponsored bike and some kind of sponsored equipment and she just took this and started the tour. She didn't think the German way like me who had to have a perfect bicycle and perfect equipment before I started. No, she just started without any spare parts for the bicycle, without any experience in cycling and camping. I never found out when she started to have this idea and why and probably she doesn't know herself even if she tells you different in this book.
So in the time in Iran we got to know each other and my mood was turning and I found out that it is nice to cycle with Min.
On day we also met Senda, an Hongkongnesian guy and in the evening Min and him were complaining about the Iranian rice, because it is not sticky so you cannot eat it with chop sticks. So you must imagine three people in front of their tents under a really nice Iranian starry sky in the desert and me as a German potato in the middle of this rice dicussion. I had to laugh for myself a lot and when I told them that I put salt in the rice when I cook it, the both got really angry. From this situation I learnt that rice must be something really important for Min, Senda and other people that eat rice as staple food. This night I decided to never cook any rice for them, because the knew it always better in terms of rice.
Senda went on to Afghanistan and Min and me went on to Mashad and we divided there to meet up in Uzbekistan again. On the way through Turkmenistan I met a crazy guy called Raimon a.k.a. Dirty Traveller and we went on together and when we left Turkmenistan we met Min again forming the golden triangle of cyclism, a dream team. Raimon is really passionate about cycling and a really lovely dude. We three had so much unique moments together, sharing the whole day together, only the nights we were divided by the thin cloth of our tents. We cycled together, we sweat together, we fighted together, we had nice evenings together while cooking nice dishes in front of our tents and having a really good time of freedom and self-determination. When I think back to this time now I have to admit that it was somehow the best time of my life. And Min was a big part of it.
If you want to know more about Min and her adventures you have to buy this book. It is totally amazing, I read it on the toilet and stayed there for two days until I finished reading. Reading this book is like breathing in the air of the Kyrgizian Plateau, it is like smelling the fart of Raimon while riding close behind him. It is just a best seller. It is the book that takes you and never leaves you. Absolute recommendation! Buy it!

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

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