When tracking the virus means tracking your citizens
Apple and Google on Friday unveiled ( ) a rare ( ) partnership to add technology to their smartphone platforms ( ) that will alert users if they have come into contact with a person with COVID-19. Apple’s iOS and Google’s Android — the operating systems used in iPhone and Samsung Galaxy devices, among others — are used by about 3 billion people around the globe.
Since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, some democracies ( ) around the world have used technology to avoid having to impose draconian ( ) mass quarantines ( ) that were common earlier this year in China. That’s reassuring — and it’s also worrying, because the very strategies that can help fight a plague can also be abused once it’s over.
Consider Taiwan, where an “electronic fence” allows local police to make regular phone calls to everyone who is home under quarantine; if the citizen doesn’t answer or the phone is out of power, police come to the home within 15 minutes. In South Korea, the government constantly updates a Web site that tracks the movements of people who have been infected, and issues alerts to the mobile phones of people in the geographic vicinity ( ) of an infected citizen. The Israeli government gained access to an archive ( ) of phone data to map the movements of infected people, then alerted those who had been in contact with them to self-isolate.
Invoking ( ) these powers is reasonable during a pandemic. Once the outbreak is over, however, this kind of power can and probably will be abused. What’s to stop a corrupt ( ) (or merely unscrupulous [ ]) leader from using such technologies to learn or even publicize the location of political opponents or dissidents ( )?
“This is a genuine emergency and that justifies ( ) a lot of things that would not normally be justified,” says Jay Stanley, a senior policy analyst at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). “But we have to make sure that these temporary ( ) powers do not become permanent ( ) in a way that hurts everybody else.”
The good news is that the pandemic is not an endless war. Once there is a treatment or a vaccine ( ), there will be a clear end date to the state of emergency.
Stanley says it’s crucial to set up strict rules beforehand ( ). Any location data, for example, should only be used by public health authorities for public health purposes. The programs should be temporary and the data should be deleted after the crisis ( ) ends.
Along these lines, Freedom House released a set of principles on March 24 for protecting civil and human rights in the fight against COVID-19. It says any surveillance ( ) programs that use new technology to fight the spread of the disease should be “subject to ( ) independent oversight ( ), and ‘firewalled’ from other commercial and governmental uses such as law enforcement and enforcement of immigration policies.”
In the middle of a crisis, all of this might seem theoretical. The most essential tasks for democratic leaders are providing for the public’s safety and working to revive ( ) the economy. Yet it’s also important to remember that the state rarely relinquishes ( ) powers it amasses ( ) in a crisis.
After 9/11, the FBI was given broad new powers to demand data from private businesses. A dozen years later, both the ACLU and the Justice Department’s inspector general found that the use of that extraordinary power had become routine ( ) and unchecked. As Americans grapple ( ) with the current pandemic, they must be vigilant ( ) that their government not repeat the same mistake.
當監控病毒與監控人民劃上等號時
蘋果和谷歌兩大公司上週五破天荒宣布一項合作,將在他們的智慧手機平台新增技術,如果用戶接觸了武漢肺炎患者,便會發出警示。蘋果的iOS和Google的安卓(iPhone和三星Galaxy手機等使用的操作系統)在全球約有三十億人使用。
自冠狀病毒大流行爆發以來,世界各地一些民主國家已運用科技,以避免實施像中國今年年初所實施的那種嚴苛的大規模隔離。這令人寬心——卻也令人憂心,因為一旦疫情結束,這些可幫助打擊瘟疫的戰略也可能會被濫用。
以台灣為例,台灣採用「電子圍籬」技術,讓當地的警察可以定時打電話給每位居家隔離者。若電話沒人接或沒電,警察在十五分鐘內就會到他們家去。在南韓,政府有追蹤染疫者動向之網站,會不斷更新,並對染疫民眾附近的人發出手機警示。以色列政府可以調出電話數據檔案,以便將染疫者的活動在地圖上定位出來,然後提醒與其接觸的人進行自我隔離。
在疾病大流行期間訴諸這些權力是合理的。然而,疫情一旦結束,這種權力很可能會被濫用。怎樣阻止腐敗的(或只是不道德的)領導人使用此種技術來得知甚至公開政敵或異議人士的所在位置?
「美國公民自由聯盟」高級政策分析師傑伊‧史丹利說:「這是真正的緊急情況,它使許多通常是不合理的事有了正當性」。「但我們必須確保這些臨時權力不會變成傷害其他人的永久權力」。
好消息是,這場疾病大流行不會是一場無休止的戰爭。一旦有了治療方法或疫苗,緊急狀態就會有明確的結束日期。
史丹利表示,事先訂定嚴格的規範至關重要。例如,任何位址資訊僅應由公共衛生主管機關用於公共衛生目的。此應為臨時程序,這些資訊在危機結束後應予以刪除。
同理,人權組織「自由之家」在三月二十四日發布了一套原則,以便在對抗武漢肺炎期間保障公民權與人權。自由之家表示,任何使用新技術來對抗疾病傳播的監視程序都應「受到獨立監督,且不能作為其他商業及政府之用途,例如執法及移民政策之執行」。
在危機之中,這些似乎都是理論上的。民主國家之領導者最重要的任務是確保公眾安全,並努力振興經濟。但同樣重要的是要記住,國家很少放棄它在危機中所集聚的權力。
九一一恐怖攻擊發生後,美國聯邦調查局獲得了新的、廣泛的權力,可以要求私人企業提供資訊。十幾年後,美國公民自由聯盟和司法部總監察長都發現,這種非常時期權力的使用已成為常態,且沒有受到約束。美國人在與當前的病毒大流行奮力搏鬥之同時,也必須保持警覺,確保政府不會重蹈覆轍。
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the broad map 在 陳冠廷 Kuan-Ting Chen Facebook 的最佳貼文
Respect for diversity is what fuels and fortifies the core values of the UN. Our nation was born and bred by people with stories and experiences from all over the map. Our insights are broad and our country is colorful.
Today, the world is recognizing Taiwan's talent, generosity, and leadership in the COVID-19 crisis. We are one of Asia's strongest democracies and bastions for human rights.
Now, more than ever, the world is coming together in unprecedented ways to pave a more promising path for all. Allowing us to meaningfully contribute to the UN is only the beginning. Together, we will not only get society back on track — we will also shape its future.
the broad map 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的最佳解答
[時事英文] 中美網絡戰鬥力
在過去的二十年中,對常規軍事作戰的理解已從二維戰場(battlefield)轉變為多維系統的作戰空間(battlespace),資訊戰(information warfare)也早已開始。我們今天先透過紐約時報的報導探討傳統資訊戰的定義。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
《2015 紐約時報》報導:
As China president Xi Jinping begins a trip to the United States that could include the first arms control accord for cyberspace between the United States and China, a new RAND report that rates the cyber warfare capabilities of the world’s two largest economies shows how important such an agreement could be. The report, which rates the capabilities of both militaries over the course of two situations, a conflict over Taiwan and one over the Spratly Islands, dedicates an entire chapter to the respective cyber capabilities of both sides.
1. arms control(國與國一致進行的)軍備控制
2. accord (n.) (國家之間的)協議;條約
3. cyberspace 網際空間
4. rate (v.) 評估
5. cyber warfare 網路戰
6. a conflict over ⋯⋯的衝突
7. dedicate 奉獻,獻出(全部精力、時間等)*
8. respective 各自的;分別的
中國國家主席習近平正在對美國進行國事訪問,此行有可能會簽訂中美網路空間的首個軍備控制協議。蘭德公司也在此際發佈報告,對全球兩大經濟體的網路戰能力進行評估,顯示了這樣一個協議有多麼重要。該報告評估了兩軍在兩種局勢下的戰力,一是臺海衝突,二是南沙群島爭端。報告用了整整一章來分析美中各自的網路戰能力。
*dedicate: https://bit.ly/2VNp0NL
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As it maps out the potential conflicts, and in turn the potential ways each country could attack the other’s network, it becomes apparent why a first agreement between President Obama and Mr. Xi might focus on the rules of the road for attacks on core infrastructure instead of on better publicized Chinese attacks aimed at gaining advantages and intellectual property for companies.
In particular, it argues unclassified networks for key infrastructure are more vulnerable than those of the military, and that broad attacks have a huge potential to cause unanticipated escalations. Even so, it says that the United States would probably do better than might be expected given the high-profile media coverage of Chinese cyberattacks.
9. map sth out 詳細安排;籌劃
10. potential conflict 潛在的衝突
11. the rules of the road 使用規則
12. gain advantage 取得優勢
13. intellectual property 智慧財產權
14. have a huge potential 有著巨大的可能性
15. unanticipated escalation 意料之外的逐步升級
16. high-profile 高調;備受關注的
17. cyberattack(由駭客發起的)網路攻擊
報告對潛在的衝突進行了描述,進而又對雙方可能採取哪些方式來攻擊彼此的網路進行了分析,從中可以看到為什麼歐巴馬和習近平簽訂的第一個協議可能會側重在攻擊核心基礎設施的規則上,而不是更為人知的中國為獲得商業優勢和智慧財產權進行的網路攻擊。這份報告特別指出,關鍵基礎設施使用的非機密網路較軍方網路脆弱,而且那樣的廣泛攻擊很有可能導致雙方沒有預計到的衝突升級。即便如此,報告說,鑒於中國的網路攻擊得到了大篇幅的報道,美國在網路戰中的表現可能比人們預期的出色。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
The Chinese military “has been heavily involved in large-scale cyber espionage since the mid-2000s, which has made it the subject of much media attention.
Because the most common targets of these attacks have been lightly defended corporate and unclassified government systems, this activity may have created an exaggerated sense of the capabilities that China might bring to bear in an operational military context,” it concludes. Citing a 2013 document distributed throughout China’s People’s Liberation Army called “The Science of Military Strategy,” the report adds that the Chinese army recognizes the major advantages to being aggressive in cyberwar.
18. cyber espionage 網路間諜活動
19. media attention 媒體關注
20. bring to bear 運用
21. cite 引用
22. throughout (prep.) 遍及
23. China’s People’s Liberation Army 中國人民解放軍
中國軍方「自2000年代中期起,一直在積极參與大規模網路間諜活動,因此成為備受媒體關注的話題。由於這些攻擊最常見的目標是防禦措施較少的企業以及非機密的政府系統,因此對於中國在網路戰方面的能力,可能存在一種誇大,」該報告認為。該報告援引發表於2013年、在中國人民解放軍全軍分發的《戰略學》,稱中國軍方認識到在網路戰中採取攻勢的好處。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
One danger of that, and also more broadly of employing cyberattacks in a situation of escalating conflict, is that of unintentional escalation. Using several hypothetical situations, the report shows how a cyberattack could deepen a conflict. For example, it points out that if China were to make a move for Taiwan, a cyberattack aimed at hurting the potential for the United States to intercede, could contradictorily force the U.S. to come into the conflict. Likewise it argues that in the case of some kind of regional conflict, United States attacks on Chinese infrastructure that in peace-time would be deemed mainly of civilian importance could take on deeper military implications.
24. escalating conflict 逐步升級的衝突
25. unintentional 無意的;非故意的
26. hypothetical 假設的;假定的
27. deepen a conflict 深化衝突
28. point out 指出
29. aim at 瞄準;對準
30. make a move 採取行動
31. intercede 介入;調停
32. contradictorily force 反而迫使
33. regional conflict 區域衝突
34. peace-time 和平時期
35. be deemed 被認為;被視作
36. take on 呈現;開始具有(某種特徵)
37. implication 暗示;牽連
這種思維,以及在不斷升級的衝突中廣泛採用網路攻擊的策略的危險之處在於,它會在無意之中導致衝突升級。該報告假設了幾種情況,來說明網路攻擊將如何令衝突升級。假設中國在臺海採取行動,如果它為了預防美國調停而發起網路攻擊,可能反而會迫使美國參與衝突。同樣,報告認為,在發生區域衝突的情況下,美國對通常主要作為民用的中國基礎設施開展網路攻擊,可能就會產生更深層次的軍事影響。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Even so, there are plenty of reasons that China and the U.S. would be unlikely to carry out a major attack aimed broadly at civilian populations. In particular, the report points out that close economic relations could mean an unintentional business fallout at home while the interconnectedness of the Internet makes the effects of broad attacks unpredictable (for example, Chinese data stored abroad could be inadvertently disrupted). Also likely to be on the front of Beijing’s mind, the report argues, are a few larger concerns. In particular, during wartime issues surrounding control of potentially destabilizing information within China and tracking of dissident activity are also likely to “loom large.”
38. carry out 執行
39. fallout 不良影響;惡果
40. at home 在國內
41. interconnectedness 緊密關係
42. inadvertently 無意地;非故意地
43. on the front of sb’s mind 在……的腦海中
44. wartime 戰時
45. destabilize 使不穩定;暗中顛覆(反對政權)
46. dissident (n.) 異見者;意見不同者;持不同政見者
47. loom large 顯得突出;變得嚴重
即便如此,仍有充足的理由認為美中不太可能針對平民開展大規模攻擊。特別是美中經濟關係密切,而網際網路具有很強的相互關聯性,廣泛襲擊的影響是不可預知的,因此這種攻擊可能會造成無法預計的商業後果(例如,中國儲存在國外的數據可能會在無意中遭到破壞)。報告認為,北京可能有幾個更加重視的關注點。特別是,在國內控制那些可能導致社會不穩定的訊息,以及追蹤異見者的活動,有可能在戰爭時期「特別重要」。
《紐約時報》完整報導:https://nyti.ms/2RS4b2P
圖片出處:https://bit.ly/2RUKKqa
資訊戰爭講義 (Information Warfare): https://bit.ly/2xcimbQ
★★★★★★★★★★★★
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時事英文大全:http://bit.ly/2WtAqop
如何使用「時事英文」:https://bit.ly/3a9rr38
#美中網路戰英文
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世界の交通に関する様々な豆知識をご紹介!親友や大学教授にこっそり教えてしまいましょう。まるで手品のように彼らを驚かせること請け合いです。皆さんの旅を楽しいものにする、トリビア集をご覧ください!
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