關於 new year resolution中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

［好久不見王維基］新正頭個個興New Year Resolution，王維基嘅HKTV Mall 亦都有。都好一排冇寫，股價橫行咗一排，睇下今次有冇突破？

1. TLDR：十二月數字靚仔，2021年目標保守。但個廣告收入令人幾振奮。

2. 告個急先：本人已被炒，未訂嘅記得訂Patreon，積小成多呀。訂咗嘅可以考慮加碼（https://bityl.co/4Y0h）。當然我唔係坐定定「我不想努力」，一星期至少出返六篇文，仲要之前有啲讀者贏到下錢嘅

3. 好似寫少咗Facebook Page，冇計，之前去咗台北，中途就畀人炒埋。咁講真，即係我要R多幾多個Patreon先搵得返嗰個收入？所以呢排重點都放咗Patreon．未join嘅記住去。

4. That said，Facebook Page嘅讀者都係重要嘅。所以我亦會一路寫文，講真亦都唔少文未必啱Patreon寫，只係冇時間。但而家好返啲。

5. 廢話少講，公司嘅公告，講咗四樣嘢。逐樣同你講。分別係「方案業務」，12月嘅數，2021年目標，同埋，「廣告」。

6. 下文會提到GMV（訂單總商品交易額），唔知係乜嘅自己睇（https://bityl.co/53aF）

7. 首先講呢個「方案業務」，睇中文都有啲R頭（正常我係睇英文公告的），果然就係Solution business．唔係賣天拿水哥羅芳，而係王維基之前講嘅「秘技傳授」，傳套武功畀人打Ebay Amazon云云。「可能人地想賣盤呢？」。Anyway，中期業績（8月尾）提呢樣嘢後，10月已經在海外set up 第一個海外研發中心。揀嘅係台灣，你可以估下點解。之後仲話東南亞同歐洲喎

8. 第二，12月嘅數，費事寫咁長。但算係幾好。當然12月例牌係旺，但2020年12月嘅表現都係好。平均每日訂單去到全年新高，日均GMV（唔同月份唔同日數喎）都去到全年第二高。

9. 戲肉嚟啦，想講2020年全年GMV，同埋2021年目標，又畀啲數大家

10. （BTW今篇文數字我在Patreon嘅文有入埋隻Excel，join咗就自己save一份，唔使由頭打）（https://bityl.co/4Y0h）

11. 2019年全年GMV係27.8億，按年先47%。然後去到2020年1月頭，出嘅2020目標GMV，係33.8億。增長22%。留意當時基本上未有疫情因素。

12. 然後到2020年3月尾出2019年全年業績，都仲話冇上調住，但暗示有機會。當時3個月已經做咗舊目標33.8億嘅四成。亦留意，當時疫情已經遍地開花，美股剛好係低位見底反彈幾日。

13. 到2020年8月尾出中期業績，半年GMV做咗27.5億，舊目標GMV33.8億嘅八成。咁當然要上調，新目標？下半年定28-30億，同上半年持平，算係幾保守。亦即係全年目標58億。

14. 最後埋單，2020年係做到60億GMV嘅，增長116%

15. 2021年呢？GMV目標只係66-70億。10-17%增長。太保守吧？當然可以中途上調，而呢啲目標必定係下限，亦不一定係公司內部捽數嘅目標。你睇啲內房都係，銷售差不多一定做到目標的。否則會好難睇。

16. 但又to be fair，公司第三第四季，都係大約16億GMV左右，中途就算上調，都唔會好似舊年咁誇張。

17. 好啦，仲有廣告。有提到2020年十月先開始出嘅early bird優惠，三個月已經收咗5000萬commitment。係2020全年實數嘅3倍。

18. 不過又現實啲，睇2020年半年業績，廣告收入，1000萬咁上下。而公司生意講緊半年係13億。當你廣告升幾倍，都仲係好細嘅數，但叫做有個新增長引擎。同埋，照計廣告呢Part嘅利錢高好多嘅。

19. 我唔太熟間公司，有讀者更熟。但總論一句：你而家仲討論公司成唔成功，就真係多Q餘。問題係，Woody Allen話齋，間公司要向前游嘛。投資者（所謂的大戶）從不質疑王維基在香港會好成功—但之後呢？好多人好怕聽到呢句，但事實你香港市場就係咁多，你知我知。即係你做KOL 蕭生咁幾萬Patreon夠台灣做皇帝梗係冇問題，但企業就另一種玩法啦。亞倫係咁講的。（呢個亦係香港做Youtuber嘅先天問題）

20. 當然之前做政協嘅王維基冇返走去大灣區，應該幾明智，你在中國同人地啲電商巨頭鬥撼？傻的嗎？但投資者都係會問，咁你公司嘅growth 在邊？

21. 明顯地公司都係邊做邊諗答案，所以就有所謂嘅「傳授武功」去台灣東南亞（而唔係上大陸，真係教京東阿里巴巴做嘢咩）呢Part。同樣地，亦都因為咁有咗廣告呢Part，雖則唔大，但勝在仲有潛力。

22. 而你諗下，非關政治，但唔通落廣告仲TVB咩。真係去晒網上了。又回頭再講，王維基如果最初拎到電視牌，最後可能都係自己玩死自己。

23. 最後，Bonus，上次出半年業績，公司做過一個linear regression（https://fbook.cc/3K6j），我都有玩埋一份。當時我話，如果指數曲線咁去fit，2020年尾日均訂單會去到4萬單。如果官方嘅直線呢？就係3.5萬單。

24. 結果？年尾大約係3.6萬單。公司保守啲，係好嘅。但亦都見到疫情受控制，冇指數咁爆發上去。當然你爆多十倍確診，啲單又唔會多十倍嘅。

＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝
你嘅2020年點？我嘅2020年就幾好。Ivan Patreon，港美市場評點，專題號外，每日一圖，好文推介。每星期6篇，月費100唔使，4個月已1000人訂！（https://bityl.co/4Y0h）。月頭訂至抵，年費仲有85折，仲係睇13個月添。

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

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With great power comes great responsibility. And with a New Year comes a New Me!

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每年的新年目標...

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【影片簡介】
小短劇 2018 新年新目標！

新年到了大家不都很喜歡設立新目標嘛～
突然想到了一個這樣的點子！
忍不住就拍啦！算是一個新嘗試～
希望你們看完都會有共鳴！

2018 年的一月份快到底了
你們還在為你們定的目標努力嗎？ 哈哈哈

我記得去年我的目標是早睡早起
但是根本就沒辦法...
新年！2018 我的目標是每個禮拜出一條影片！
想支持我的目標還不快快留言給我動力！



【About this Video】
New Year, Same Me

I know people love to make new year resolutions in the beginning of the year.
This skit came up on my mind as an idea and I wanted to share it with all of you!
Hope you guys had fun with it!
Please like and help me spread out the video~

My new year resolution is to make one video per week
We’ll see how it goes!
Comment on my video to help motivate me XDThank you all for the support last year and wish you all a happy new year!






【Related Video】
Wong Fu Productions - Two Weeks Later: Resolution Fails
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N_sZQP36bt4

I'm Charlie - 和我一起訂2018年目標！新年來閒聊吧！
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eGzIVaZxDgE

Ryuuu TV / 學日文看日本 - 返回原點！新的我們 舊的我們 2018年目標發表～
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C9JbRYMcg-8





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今年久しぶりにアメリカでお正月過ごしました〜！



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Oh! My Starry Eyed Doll (白・黒)
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http://bit.ly/2yKKcKM
Yum Sugar Cupcake Doll (ピンク・ブルー)
http://bit.ly/2y6gMTg
http://bit.ly/2yNuwG4



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Ameblo : http://ameblo.jp/angel-rinrin


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★ 免責 ★
この動画はスポンサーされてません。

★ 音楽 ★
楽曲提供：Production Music by http://www.epidemicsound.com
甘茶の音楽工房さん
http://amachamusic.chagasi.com/
YouTube Audio Library

★ Captions ★
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English: RisaLight https://www.instagram.com/risalight/