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在defensive democracy這個產品中，有10篇Facebook貼文，粉絲數超過22萬的網紅外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC（Taiwan），也在其Facebook貼文中提到， 【吳部長：我們將奮戰到底保衛國家】 外交部吳部長在「言論自由日」(4/7)的那一天，與駐台外媒記者茶敘。 吳部長開場致詞中提到，台灣堅守自由、民主、人權，是國際社會的良善力量，更是國際間可信賴的夥伴，並準備好對社會做出正面貢獻，在這充滿挑戰性的時刻，將會與理念相近國家與國際友人攜手堅定前行，唯有...
　同時也有10000部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル，也在其Youtube影片中提到，...

defensive democracy 在 外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC（Taiwan） Facebook 的最佳貼文

外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC（Taiwan） By 外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC（Taiwan）

2021-04-08 21:00:29 有 2,856 人按讚
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【吳部長：我們將奮戰到底保衛國家】

外交部吳部長在「言論自由日」(4/7)的那一天，與駐台外媒記者茶敘。

吳部長開場致詞中提到，台灣堅守自由、民主、人權，是國際社會的良善力量，更是國際間可信賴的夥伴，並準備好對社會做出正面貢獻，在這充滿挑戰性的時刻，將會與理念相近國家與國際友人攜手堅定前行，唯有如此，更加自由、開放、及堅韌的印太地區才能實現。

面對記者提問台海安全議題，吳部長表示國家安全是我們的責任，如果自己不具防衛能力，也沒權利要求他國為我們犧牲，我國對於提升防禦能力議題都審慎以待，例如透過增加國防預算、重組軍事策略，並與美方請益防衛策略等。

「我們有自我防衛的決心，如需開戰絕不畏戰，並將奮戰到底保衛國家。」

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In his address during a recent question and answer session with the foreign press corps, MOFA Minister Joseph Wu stated, "As a reliable partner that shares the values of #freedom, #democracy and the protection of #HumanRights, #Taiwan is ready to contribute as a #ForceForGood. At this challenging time, Taiwan stands in solidarity with its partners, and we hope our friends will also stand by the people of Taiwan. Together, we can realize a free, open, inclusive, and resilient #IndoPacific."

When asked about Taiwan's self-defense capability, Minister Wu stated that although he expects the US to continue providing defensive equipment to Taiwan, the ultimate responsibility for defense lies with Taiwan, saying “We are willing to defend ourselves to the very last day.”

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defensive democracy 在 李怡 Facebook 的最佳貼文

李怡 By 李怡

2020-06-23 18:41:27 有 353 人按讚
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Time for a decisive battle (Lee Yee)

I wrote yesterday that “when the number of disqualified candidates reaches the maximum, the international community would come forth”. My friend reckons this a “new strategy”. Instead of a strategy, it is, I would say, the last option left by the National Security Law. Some agree, while others do not. A few raise questions or doubts. Here are my thoughts.
相關新聞：Paradoxical theory of Hong Kong organising U.S. riots (Lee Yee)
The US is leading the fight, with Japan coordinating with the foreign ministers of seven countries, the European Union claiming to indict China in the International Court of Justice in Hague, and the civilized world reacting way more intensely to the NSL than to the violation of human rights in Xinjiang concentration camp. Mike Pompeo’s comments, like “rogue behaviour” and “a choice between freedom and tyranny”, are harsh enough. All of this begs the question of what the US and the West are waiting for. With the NSL draft already released, why did Pompeo ask people to wait and see the results of the Legislative Council (LegCo) Election in September?
Although the NSL is disapproved by most of the civilized countries, both verbal censure and actual sanctions hinge on the LegCo Election in September - “an essential indicator”. But Why?
相關新聞：American violence v.s. Hong Kong violence (Lee Yee)
Pompeo has made it clear that if the CCP makes Hong Kong the same as Shanghai or Shen Zhen in the LegCo Election, the US will take Hong Kong as just another city in China, which means revoking all special treatment Hong Kong has been enjoying. Hong Kongers will be apparently victimized with a bitterly crumbling economy, even though Pompeo has not exactly said so.
Are Hong Kongers willing to be on the receiving end of it all? If Hong Kong’s pro-democracy camp shows acceptance of the NSL at the nomination stage of the LegCo Election, and gets elected with considerable votes, then the message delivered to the US would be that Hong Kongers are prepared to surrender to tyranny. To this end, the US will stop short of being meddlesome while deploying all defensive moves against Hong Kong like what it has been doing against China.
However, if Hong Kongers take to the streets as fiercely as what they did in the anti-extradition protests last year, it will go without saying that these freedom fighters are willing to stand at the frontline of global defence against tyranny.
The referendum on NSL walkout held last Saturday, which was not well publicized and prepared, has projected a wrong message to the international community: not many people are up in arms over the NSL. In light of this, the message conveyed to the world by the LegCo Election is pivotal.
The abovementioned pertain to the external situation. Internally, I have come across many online comments made by those who have no confidence in the pan-democracy camp. They believe there must be some candidates from the pan-democracy camp who will approve of the NSL in a bid to get qualified for the election, and urge the public to vote for them for collective interests. Some say that the incumbent legislators did not even dare to object to the National Anthem Law, not to mention saying no to the NSL. They suspect that the pan-democracy camp would sign an election agreement in which supporting the NSL is part of the deal, or the candidates would answer yes when asked by returning officers whether they side with the NSL, in order to take a seat in the LegCo.
Soon comes the primary election for the pro-democracy camp, and their real stance will be revealed in the debates.
The predicament Hong Kong is facing looks grim. The pan-democracy camp might not succumb to the NSL for being qualified for the election. But in case they do, I hope all the young people who care about the future of Hong Kong enroll in the election at their discretion, regardless of the primary election results, prescriptions or ethics. The more candidates running for seats of the LegCo, the voice are more widely spread. Imagine the picture when hundreds of candidates are disqualified. How can the US stand by?
If the Chinese Communist Party decides to step back for a while, and selectively disqualify a few youngsters, will too many candidates on the list dilute the votes and as a result only few are elected? Don’t worry. If that happens, some candidates from the pro-democracy camp will have to drop out in an attempt to secure enough votes for the seats. In election forums, the pro-establishment camp is bound to lose in the debates about the NSL. That being said, anyone who blatantly disapproves of the NSL is almost certainly to be disqualified.
Tam Yiuchung has mentioned that candidates must sign an agreement to show support for the Basic Law, and pledge loyalty to Hong Kong SAR. It is harmless to do so with these two terms, yet in no circumstances should they sign an agreement to show support for the NSL for the reason that so many clauses in the NSL violate the Basic Law. Their refusal should be made public so that the whole world knows how many LegCo candidates are disqualified after saying no to the NSL.
The NSL for Hong Kong has already been deplored by all civilized countries. The focus should be put on the revolt against the NSL in this LegCo Election. Other slogans like “independence of Hong Kong”, “self-determination”, “five demands”, and “liberate Hong Kong”, etc. should give way to avoid losing focus. The US and the western civilization only focus on the NSL for Hong Kong. The LegCo election is a decisive battle that is worth a fight.

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defensive democracy 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文

黃之鋒 Joshua Wong By 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

2020-04-08 18:22:53 有 400 人按讚
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

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黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

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黃之鋒．民主派初選民意代表．前香港眾志秘書長．前學民思潮召集人
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defensive democracy 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最讚貼文

コバにゃんチャンネル By コバにゃんチャンネル

2021-10-01 13:19:08 有 9 人看過 有 1 人喜歡
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コバにゃん☆です?
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defensive democracy 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的精選貼文

大象中醫 By 大象中醫

2021-10-01 13:10:45 有 0 人看過 有 0 人喜歡
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長照是一個劇變的旋轉舞台 百年難得一見 沒有準備的人 被旋轉舞台甩出去 不是坐下就是躺下 而大象中醫是太極的推手 推動著旋轉舞台 讓 所有爬不起來的人 背後有一股推手力量 支撐再站起來
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defensive democracy 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳解答

大象中醫 By 大象中醫

2021-10-01 13:09:56 有 0 人看過 有 0 人喜歡
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大象中醫

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長照是一個劇變的旋轉舞台 百年難得一見 沒有準備的人 被旋轉舞台甩出去 不是坐下就是躺下 而大象中醫是太極的推手 推動著旋轉舞台 讓 所有爬不起來的人 背後有一股推手力量 支撐再站起來
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#29. Foreign Minister Wu gives exclusive NPR interview - Taiwan ...

The government will continue enhancing Taiwan's defensive capabilities while safeguarding the country's hard-won democracy in the face of ...

#30. Actions - S.3522 - 117th Congress (2021-2022): Ukraine ...

Actions on S.3522 - 117th Congress (2021-2022): Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022.

#31. INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE 1

our people, our economy, our national defense, and our democracy at home;. Promote a favorable distribution of power to deter and prevent adversaries.

#32. LASA Sections / Defense, Public Security and Democracy

Defense, Public Security and Democracy. This Section was created at LASA2000 in Miami. Its goals are to coordinate and facilitate contact among members of ...

#33. U.S. Relations With Taiwan - United States Department of State

As a leading democracy and a technological powerhouse, Taiwan is a ... the United States makes available defense articles and services as ...

#34. Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022

Bill Number. S. 3522 ; Bill Version. Engrossed in Senate (ES) ; Short Title. Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022 ; Full Title.

#35. Democracy Defense Coalition - Blue State

Democracy Defense Coalition ... How can we defend voters' rights, ensure the legitimacy of our elections, and uphold our democracy, now and in the future?

#36. S. 3522, Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022

S. 3522, Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022. April 26, 2022. Cost Estimate. As passed by the Senate on April 6, 2022. View Document156.61 KB ...

#37. President Biden Signs Into Law S. 3522, the ... - YouTube

President Biden Signs Into Law S. 3522, the "Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022". 9,875 views May 9, 2022 The White House ...

#38. Authoritarianism's Last Line of Defense | Journal of Democracy

The new electoral authoritarian regimes of the post–Cold War era have formally adopted the full panoply of liberal-democratic institutions.

#39. With Autocrats on the Defensive, Can Democrats Rise to the ...

Yet, autocrats are enjoying their moment in the sun in part because of the failings of democratic leaders. Democracy may be the ...

#40. PRISM Vol. 8, No. 1 - National Defense University Press

Latin America is a good mirror of our times; an apt measurement of the zeitgeist of doubt. Having cemented its democracies and reformed its economies, some of ...

#41. Solidarity with Ukraine and Defense of Democracy Worldwide

Statement by the NED Family: The National Endowment for Democracy, the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican Institute ...

#42. What is NATO?

POLITICAL - NATO promotes democratic values and enables members to consult and cooperate on defence and security-related issues to solve problems, ...

#43. Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defense - IS MUNI

Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defense. Adam Przeworski. Introduction. I want to defend a ''minimalist,'' Schumpeterian, conception of democracy ...

#44. Democratic Charter - Organization of American States

... thereby fulfilling a long-standing aspiration of the Hemisphere to be able to respond rapidly and collectively in defense of democracy;.

#45. German defense minister is not capable of leadership

Seeing bravery of Ukrainians fighting for freedom, democracy, it is our ... German Minister of Defense Christine Lambrecht ( FILE PHOTO ...

#46. National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the ...

Other articles where National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy is discussed: Burundi: The path toward peace: …

#47. Carl Schmitt's Defense of Democracy - Oxford Handbooks ...

Carl Schmitt accommodated himself to the ascendency of democratic thinking in the post–World War I world of the 1920s. No sovereign authority, he argued, ...

#48. Program - The National Judicial College

Democracy's Last Line of Defense: A symposium on why and how to preserve the rule of law and an independent, impartial judiciary Chicago, IL.

#49. Preamble | US Constitution | US Law - Legal Information Institute

... provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish ...

#50. Cornyn Lend-Lease Bill Will Aid Ukraine in the Face of ...

“I've introduced bipartisan legislation called the Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act to ensure that Ukrainian forces have the resources ...

#51. The First Defense Against Trump's Assault on Democracy

To some of his critics, Elias's long-standing affiliation with the Democratic Party muddies his defense of voting rights and democracy. Richard ...

#52. National Council for the Defense of Democracy–Forces for the ...

National Council for the Defense of Democracy–Forces for the Defense of Democracy. Political party in Burundi. CNDD-FDD. In more languages. Spanish.

#53. In Defense of Liberal Democracy by Manuel Hinds - Penguin ...

In Defense of Liberal Democracy is a clarion call for today's divided time: a bold reaffirmation of the liberal democratic principles that have carried...

#54. Why China-Taiwan Relations Are So Tense

The KMT's chief rival party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), ... times that the United States would come to Taiwan's defense if China attacked.

#55. Handbook of Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy, and ...

沒有這個頁面的資訊。

#56. Former Defense Secretary Says Donald Trump's Behavior On ...

Former Defense Secretary Mark Esper said on Fox News that Trump ... Says Donald Trump's Behavior On January 6 'Threatens Our Democracy'.

#57. USAID Announces Initiatives to Advance Democracy in ...

Through Partnerships for Democracy (PfD), USAID will support countries ... USAID will launch a global Defamation Defense Fund to shield ...

#58. In defense of disruptive democracy—A critique of anti-populism

critiques of and challenges to elite liberal democratic politics. Defenders of elite or “centrist” ... a sustained defense of elitist liberal democracy.

#59. US Secretary of Defense meets with world leaders to discuss ...

U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III invited ministers of ... The United States continues to uphold the principles of democracy, ...

#60. Leave No Democracy Behind: In Defense of Taiwan

All the while, Nazi Germany was preparing for another invasion. “Why die for Danzig?” Why sacrifice French lives at the altar of defending a foreign land? Much ...

#61. In Defence of the Democratic Deficit: Reassessing Legitimacy ...

Judged against existing advanced industrial democracies, rather than an ideal plebiscitary or parliamentary democracy, the EU is legitimate. Its institutions ...

#62. Protecting democracy - Democratic Institutions - Canada.ca

Canada's plan to defend Canadian democracy and further strengthen our ... Canadians can be the best line of defense in our efforts to fight ...

#63. Democracy - Green Party

Our defense budget has increased out of all proportion to any military threat to the United States, and to our domestic social, economic and environmental ...

#64. Common Cause - Fighting to Uphold the Values of American ...

democracy. We're training thousands of nonpartisan volunteers to serve as voters' first line of defense against confusing restrictions, outdated infrastructure, ...

#65. Common Defense

We started Common Defense to oppose Trump's corrupt administration, organize our ... In order to champion an equitable and representative democracy, ...

#66. How Biden's 'Buy American' is undermining the arsenal of ...

This new arsenal of democracy is a multinational effort. Yet at a decisive moment in the war in Ukraine when defense industrial cooperation ...

#67. Handbook of Cyber-Development, Cyber ... - College of Europe

Handbook of Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy, and Cyber Defense. Synopsis. This volume covers a wide spectrum of issues relating to economic and political ...

#68. International IDEA

Our objective is to promote and advance sustainable democracy and to improve and consolidate electoral processes world-wide.

#69. Human Rights Watch criticises Biden, others for weak defense ...

Human Rights Watch on Thursday criticised U.S. President Joe Biden and other Western leaders for a weak defense of democracy and for failing ...

#70. The internet is a battleground. Will democracies win?

U.S. President Joe Biden's Summit for Democracy is an opportunity to take ... Protesters hold placards during a protest in defense of free ...

#71. Judy Asks: Is Europe Serious About Defense?

Carnegie Europe. Two Turkey Experts on Why Erdoğan Is Rejecting NATO Expansion. Thursday, May 19, 2022. EU Democracy After the Conference ...

#72. Biden faces squeeze on defense spending from Democratic ...

Biden faces squeeze on defense spending from Democratic hawks and doves. Liberals are angry that Biden proposed a bigger Pentagon budget, while ...

#73. Democracy Is the Best Defense Against Terrorism - Freedom ...

Democracy Is the Best Defense Against Terrorism ... a powerful link between terrorist attacks and countries that lack democratic governance.

#74. The role of parliament in national defense - SciELO - Scientific ...

Democracy and defense are presented as closely related concepts in a complex reality where the construction of living institutions occurs. In any democratic ...

#75. CELDF - Community Rights Pioneers - Protecting Nature and ...

'Death by Democracy' EBook NOW Available! · We help communities create & defend their rights. · EARTH DAY-ZED AND CONFUSED · News from the Grassroots · Fast Facts.

#76. Plato against Democracy: A Defense - Oxford Scholarship

This essay examines the Republic's most important argument against democracy, and claims that it remains, even amidst the dominance of democratic theory, ...

#77. Legal Principles Matter in Defense of Democracies - Opinio Juris

17 Jan Legal Principles Matter in Defense of Democracies ... status as a country or a province of China, it is a vibrant democracy of 23.5 million people.

#78. Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) - LinkedIn

The Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) is a Washington, D.C.-based, non-partisan policy institute focusing on foreign policy and national security.

#79. Defense of Democracy - The Atlantic

Defense of Democracy. By C. R. Walker · May 1939 Issue. Share. Men Must Act, by Lewis Mumford (Harcourt, Brace, $3.00), and Union Now, by Clarence K. Streit ...

#80. Wise Citizens and Other Arguments for the Defense of ...

I argue that the epistemic approach towards democratic participation is supplemented in Aristotle's political philosophy by other lines of ...

#81. Democracy as the Best Defense Against Corruption in Mongolia

On October 3, 2021, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) released the Pandora Papers, a multi-year investigation ...

#82. On defense spending, a Democratic brawl is brewing - Politico

On defense spending, a Democratic brawl is brewing ... renew their push to make steep cuts to the defense budget next year if they sweep the ...

#83. Incipient “commoning” in defense of the public? in - Berghahn ...

Incipient “commoning” in defense of the public? Competing varieties of fiscal citizenship in tax- and spending-related direct democracy. in ...

#84. In defense of Twitter - Vox

At the beginning of the previous decade, as the Arab Spring was unfolding, social media was seen as a liberating tool for democratic activists.

#85. Retired general, former defense secretary James Mattis to talk ...

James Mattis will be speaking at WSU Pullman later this month as part of the Foley Institute distinguished lecture series. Democracy at home and ...

#86. A Medley of Armed Groups Play on Congo's Crisis - ReliefWeb

English News and Press Release on Democratic Republic of the Congo ... formed Raia Mutomboki (“outraged citizens”) as a self-defense unit.

#87. Chapter 3 Ministries of Defense and Democratic Control - De ...

Chapter 3 Ministries of Defense and Democratic Control. From the book Who Guards the Guardians and How. Thomas C. Bruneau and Richard B. Goetze.

#88. Killing Democracy Softly: Executive Privilege and the Defense ...

It adds to the literature on democratic defense in the Americas by demonstrating that many of the threats emanating from the executive, especially in the post- ...

#89. Taiwan must insist on democracy amid authoritarian expansion

Taipei, June 4 (CNA) Taiwan must insist on democratic values at a time when authoritarianism is expanding, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) ...

#90. Japan-U.S. Security Trea - MOFA

... the principles of democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law, ... or collective self-defense as affirmed in the Charter of the United Nations,

#91. Democracy and the Philippines: a defense - BusinessWorld ...

Or as the Constitution says, “a democratic and republican State.” The US, the country that we patterned our political system after, is a ...

#92. RENEWING AMERICAN LEADERSHIP - Democrats.org

We believe that a healthy democracy, just society, and inclusive economy are essential ... mutual defense, democratic values, and strategic purpose.

#93. Support | Legal Defense Fund

Today, as our democracy faces a watershed moment, LDF continues our commitment to equal justice. defend our democracy. DONATE TODAY.

#94. 10 Ideas to Fix Democracy - Foreign Policy

Democracy is on the defensive, and the reasons are as deep as they are familiar. Growing inequality has fed a global mood that democratic ...

#95. Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defense - Semantic ...

In Schumpeter's (1942) conception, democracy is just a system in which rulers are selected by ... My defense of the minimalist conception proceeds in two steps.

#96. Democratic hawks want to go bigger than Biden on defense ...

The Senate Armed Services Committee's move to authorize significantly more defense spending next year than President Joe Biden wants ...

#97. Principles of Democratic Policing | Office of Justice Programs

Guatemala is an example of a weak democracy since the elected president's survival has depended on the good will of the Defense Minister, who has been ...